赖斯的演讲keynotespeech

1、赖斯的演讲 k eyn o te sp eechformer U. S. Sec reta ry o f Sta t e Con dol eezza Ric e at th eWorlEc ono mi c Fo rum 主 旨演 讲在世界经济论坛年会提示:人名：Klaus，P reside ntof theWorldEcono micForumPascal CouchepinP reside nt Couche pin壬瑞士总统Bismarck 俾斯麦（政治家，学过历史的都知道吧 小Ha nk Paulson 美国财长，曾经的高盛公司一把手I want to applaud you fore

2、veryth ingthat you ' ve donetoput this WorldEcono mic Forum together andto make ita place where peoplecome to shareThankyou very much. Thank you, Klaus,forthatterrificintroduction.1 mtem ptedto ask if you are thecon ductorandtosaythat itis a very good thing if noone misses any notes,the pianoort

3、heorchestra.and people of Switzerlandhave done in generouslywelcomi ngusto this beauideas, and ideas thatcan in deed leadto a betterworld.It is a wonderful gatheri ngof civilsociety,of bus in ess,ofgreat leadersfromaroundthe world. And also,I n otethat you've also goneout of yourwayto includeyou

4、ng peopie, andI tha nkyou very much for youreffort.Letme thank alsoP reside ntCouche pinfor theworkthat thegover nmentwon derfulworktiful country.P reside ntKarzai, Dr. P achauri: Thank you very much for yourand I' m really just delighted to share the dais with you tonight.Distinguished guests,

5、ladies and gentlemen:It is an honor to join you here, and as Klaus has said, I have tried to gethere several times before. I was determinedto make it as Secretary of State and I guess I can say better late than never, Klaus. I spoke at the Forum by video in 2006, and I had the pleasure last year of

6、receiving a group of Young Global Leaders at a first-ever U.S. Policy Summit. And so I understandthat someof them are here today. It ' s a wonderful legacy that you ' re leaving,Klaus, in bringing these young people in.I was thinking about what I was going to say tonight,and I' ve been w

7、atching the news and I' ve been lookingat the images on televisionand I' ve reflected on the events of the day. And of course, what comes front and center for all of us is the turbulenee - politicaland economic-in our world:The viole neein Ken ya. The tragic assass in atio nof Mrs.Benazir Bh

8、utto in Pakistan. The ongoing and at times halting efforts of Iraqisand Afghansto build peaceful, functioninggovernments.The looming dangerof climatecha nge. Thening to us, not con trolledby us.concern aboforecasts of market woes and economictroubles.Even a growingthat is happeut globalization itsel

9、f - a sense that increasinglyit is somethingAs I took a look at all of this, I decided todo somethingrisky: I wantto talkabout the importance of ideals and I wantto talkaboutthe needforoptimism in their power.Now, I know that whenever Americans starttalkingaboutidealismandoptimism, international aud

10、iences groan. Perhaps there isa littleconcernthatyou 're going to hear a long, moralizing lecture. Well, I promisenottodothat.And another commonconcern when Americans talk of idealismandoptimismis, “ Well, there theygo again, ” the innocents abroad. Indeed,thereis a longinternational traditionof

11、 viewingAmericaas kind of young and na ?ve.Well, in our defense,I would justsay werenot that young.And if you are tempted to thinkthat wearena ?ve, then you should hope thatBismarckwas right when he said, “Godhasa special providence for fools, drunks, andthe United Statesof America. ”Seriouslythough

12、, I recognizethat there is aclimate of anxiety in our world today. Andit is tempting formany people toturn inward, to secure what theyhave, andto shut others out. Some want togo it alone. And there is certainlycynicismabout the salience of our ideals when it seems that it ' s just hard enough to

13、 protect our interests.I know that many are worried by the recent fluctuations in U.S. financial mark ets, and by concerns about the U.S. economy. President Bush has announced a n outline of a meaningful fiscal growth package that will boost consumer spe nding and support business investment this ye

14、ar. My colleague, Hank Paulson,on a stiwho had hoped to be with you, is leading our Administration 's efforts and working closely with the leaders of both parties in Congress to agreemulus package that is swift,robust, broad-based, and temporary.The U.S. economy is resilient,its structure is sou

15、nd, and its long-termeconomic fundamentals are healthy.The United States continues to welcomeforeign investment and free trade. And the economy, our economy, will remain a leadi ng engine of global economic growth. So we should have confidence in then derly ingstre ngth of the global economy - and a

16、ct with con fide neeonthebasis of principles thatleadto success in this world.And on that note, Iwouldsubmit to you this evening that there is notonechallenge in the worldtodaythat will get better if we approach it withoutconfidence in the appealand effectiveness of our ideals - political and econom

17、ic freedom, open marketsand free trade, human dignity and human rights, equalopportunity and therule of law. Without these principles, backed by all formsof nationalpower, we may be able toman age global p roblemsfor awhile, buof our fellow humanbeings live on less than $2 a day. That ' s simthe

18、m.t we will not lay a foundationto solveThis is the core of America ' s approach to the world. We do not accept a firmdistinction between our nationalinterests and our universal ideals, and we seek to marry our power and our principlestogether to achieve great and enduring progress.This American

19、approachto the world did not begin with President Bush. In deed, it is as old as America itself. I have referred to this traditi onas American Realism.It was American Realism that enabledthe United States to come into being inthe first pl ace. It was America n Realism that led us to rally our allies

20、 to builda balaneeof power that favored freedom in the last century. And in this century, it is this American Realism that shapes our globalleadershipin three critical areas that I' d like to talk about tonight:the promotionof a just economic model of development; the promotionof a freer, more d

21、emocratic world; and the role of dipIomacy in overcoming differencesbetweennations.First, let us takedevelopment.Amidst the extraordinaryopportunities of the globaleconomy, which we will talk about here, the amount of deprivationin our world still rema ins un acce ptable.Halfply not acceptable in ac

22、ivilized world. But as we approachthe chalienges of development.let us remember that we know what works: We know that whenstates embrace free markets and free trade,nd to take ownershipof their own development.their er n justly and inv estinthey can create prosperity and then translate it

23、intosocial justicefor all their citizens.Yes, some states are growingecono micallythrough a kind of “ authoritarian capitalism. ” But it isat least an open questionwhetherit is susta in ablefor a governmentto respect people ' s talentsbutnot theirrights.In the long run,democracy,devel opment,and

24、social justicemustgo hand in hand.We musttreatdevel opingn ati onsnot as objects of ourp olicy,butas equalpartners in a shared endeavorof dignity. Wemustsupport leaders and citizens in developingnationswho are transforming the character of their countries-through good governanceandecono micreform,in

25、v estme ntinhealth and education,the rule of law and a fight against corruption.And we must transformour foreig n assista neein to an incen tivefor developingnationstoembrace politicaland economic liberty,to build just and effectivestates aIn recent years, the United States has been trying to put th

26、ese princip les into p ractice in our core devel opmentp olicies. In deed, under P reside ntBush, and with the full support of our Con gress,theUnited States has launched the largest internationaldevelopment e ffort since the Marshall Plan.We have met or are clearly on course to meet all of our inte

27、rnational commitme nts to in crease officialdevel opmentassista nee:Since2001, we have doubled our assistaneeto Latin America, we ve quadr up ledit for Africa, and we ' ve tripled it worldwide, all while reforming it to better support responsiblepoliciesof developingstate s.We have put $7.5 bill

28、i onin to our Mille nn iumChalle nge Acco unt initiative, which is rooted in the ideals of the MonterreyConsensus.We have also launchedhistoric efforts to combat malaria and HIV/AIDS. In fact, P reside ntBush ' s Emerge ncyP la n for AIDS Relief is the largest effort ever by one nationto combat

29、a single disease.But more and better aid has to be accompanied by the global exp ansion of free and fair trade. It isn ' t easy - I will tell you, it is not easy - for the America np reside ntto advocate free and fair trade at a time of growing economic populism.Yet P reside nt Bush remains comm

30、itted to compietinga successfulDoha Round, and my colleagueSusan Schwab, who is here tonightin Davos, is working hard to do just that.The P reside nthas pl edgedthat the Un itedStates will elimi nate alltariffs, subsidies, and barriers to free flow of goods and servicesddle East, who terrifiedhis ne

31、ighborsand whose legacy is the bodincludingagriculture - as other nations do the same. We expect our partners to join us in finding a way to make Doha a success.If we are to continue expanding global economic growth, we alsoneed to find a new approachto energy and the environment.If we proceed on ou

32、r currentcourse, we have an unacceptablechoice:Either sacrifice global economicgrowth for the health of our planet - or sacrifice the health of our planet for fossilfuel-led growth.We cannot do that. We have to reject this course-and work instead to cut the Gordia nKnot of fossil fuels, carb onemiss

33、ions,and econo mic activity.I want to assure you that we America ns realize how cen tral a solution to climatechange is to the future health and success of the internationalsystem. And we will be tireless in helping to lead the searchforthatsolutio n:d throughtheMajor Eosed,thefirstof whichwethrough

34、 the UN FrameworkConventionanMeeti ngs that P reside ntBush prophosted thispast September.Aswe workfor amore justecono micorder, wemustalso work top romoteafreerand moredemocraticworld -a worldthat will oneday include ademocraticCuba, ademocraticBurma,and a fullydemocraticMiddle East.Now, thisemphas

35、is on democracyin the MiddleEast iscon troversial, I admit,and some wouldsay,“Well, we ' veactuallymadethesituati onworse. ”I wouldask: Worse comparedtowhat?Worsethan when the Syrianarmy occ up iedLeba nonforn early30years?Worse tha n whe n theP alesti nia npeople couldnot holdtheir leaders acco

36、untable,and watched as a chanee forpeace wassquandered and evaporatedinto the secondintifada?Worse than the tyrannyof Saddam Hussein at the heart of the Miies of 300,000 innocent people that he left in unmarkedmass grav es?Or worse perhaps than the false stability which masked a freedomgap, spawnedh

37、opelessness,and fed hatreds so deep that 19 menfound cause to fly air planesinto America n cities on a fine Septe mber morning?No, ladies and gentlemen,the past order in the Middle East is not hing to extol, but it does not make the challenges of the present l ess difficult. Even when you cherish de

38、mocratic ideals, it is never easy to turn them into effective democraticinstitutions.This process will take decades, and it will be driven,as it should be, and as itonly can be, by courageous leaders and citizensin the region.Differentnations will find ways to express democratic values that r eflect

39、 their own cultures and their own ways of life. And yet the b asics are universal and we know them - that men and women have the right to choose those who will governthem, to speak theirmi nds, to worshi pfreely, and to findp rotectio nfrom the arbitrarypower of the state.The main problemfor democra

40、cy in the Middle East has not beenthat people are not ready for it. The problemis that there are violent forces of react ionthat cannot be allowed to triu mph.The problemis that too many Lebanese journalists and parliamentaria ns are being assass in ated in a camp aig nof in timidati on,and that the

41、 Leba nese have not bee n p ermittedto elect their p reside nt freely.The problem is that too many peacefulhuman rights activists, andjournalists,and bloggers are sittingin prison for actions that should not be consideredcrimes in any country.The problemis not that a group like Hamas won one free el

42、ection; it is that the leaders of Hamas still refuse to make thefun damental choice that is required for any democracy to function:You canbe a politicalparty, or you can be a terrorist group, youcannot be both.We should be under no illusionsthat the challengesin the MiddleEast will get any better if

43、 we approach them in a less principledashion. In fact, the only truly effectivesolutionsto many of thesechallengeswill emerge not in spite of democracy, but because of i t.Democracy is the most realistic way for diverse peoples to resolvetheir differences,and share power, and heal social divisions w

44、ithout violeneeor repression.Democracy is the most likely way to ensure that women have an e qual place in society and an equal right to make the basic choicesthat defi ne their lives.And democracy is the most realistic path to lasting peace among nations.In the short run, there will surely be strug

45、gles and setbacks. There will be stumble and even falls. But delayingthe start of the democraticenterprisewill only mask tensions and breed frustrations that will not be suppressedforever.Now this brings us, fin ally,to the matter of dipIo macy.Do op timism and idealismplay a role in this endeavor,

46、which is by its very nature the art of the possible? Is it as Lord Palmerstonsaid - that“nationshave no permanentenemiesand no permanentallies, only permanentinterests? ”Well, I can assure you that America has no permanentenemies, because we harbor no permanenthatreds. The United States is sometimes

47、 thought of as a n ati on that p erha psdoes not dwell eno ugh on its own history. To that, I say: Good for us. Because too much focus on history can become a prison for nations.DipIomacy, if properlypracticed,is not just talkingfor the sake oftalking. It requiresincentivesand disincentivesto make t

48、he choiceclear to those with whom you are dealingthat you will change your behavior if they are willingto change theirs. DipIomacy can ma ke possible a world in which old enemies can become, if not frien ds, the n no Ion ger adversaries.Consider the case of Libya. Just a few years ago, the UnitedSta

49、tesand Libya were locked in a state of hostility. But as Libya has cho sen to reject terrorism, to renounce its pursuit of weapons of massdestruction, and to rejoin the internationalcommunity,the UnitedStates has reached out, and today, though we still have our differ ences, we have nothing to fear

50、from one another.The UnitedStates is buildinga similarlypositiverelationshipwithVietnam,which would have been unthinkable30 years ago - andof course with China, we have built a productive relationship thatredo undsto the ben efits of both our peop les.But p erha ps no where is it clearer that we hav

51、e no p erma nentenemies than in our relationshipwith Russia. Ladies and gentlemen, the recent talk about a new Cold War is hyperbolicnonsense. Our relati ons today are fun dame ntallydiffere nttha n they were whe n allwe shared was the desire to avoid mutualannihilation.The fact is that the Un ited

52、States and Russia are worki ngcon struct ively today on many issues of mutual interest - from counter-proliferation,to counter-terrorism,to the pursuitof peace in the MiddleEast. And we are determinedto remember this, even when we he ar unwise and irresponsible rhetoric from Russia itself that harke

53、nsback to an earlier time.To be sure, there have been disappointments.Though we recognize that Russia ns today enjoy con siderablepersonal and econo mic freedom, we believe that Russia ' s greatnesswill ultimately be secured best through greater politicalfreedom for its people - and through the establishment of stronginstitutionsthat check the powerof the state, rather than serve the interests of a few.We also believe that Russia shouldcon tributeto a transparent andopen g