如何教育孩子奋发努力

1、如何教育孩子发奋努力IQ has been the subject of hundreds, if not thousands of research studies. Scholars have studied the link between IQ and race, gender, socioeconomic status, even music. Discussions about the relationship between IQ and race and the heritability of IQ (perhaps most notably Steven Jay Gould&

2、#39;s Mismeasure of Man) often rise to a fever pitch. Yet for all the interestin the study of IQ, there has been comparatively little research on other influences on performance in school.Angela Duckworth and Martin Seligman estimate that for every ten articles on intelligence and academic achieveme

3、nt, there has been fewer than one about self-discipline. Even so, the small body of research on self-discipline suggests that it has a significant impact on achievement. Walter Mischel and colleagues found in the 1980s that4-year-olds' ability to delay gratification (for example, to wait a few m

4、inutes for two cookies instead of taking one cookie right away) was predictive of academic achievement a decade later. Others have found links between personality and college grades, and self-discipline and Phi Beta Kappa awards. Still, most research on self-discipline has achieved inconsistent resu

5、lts, possibly due to the difficulty of measuringself-discipline. Could a more robust measure of self-discipline demonstrate that it's more relevant to academic performance than IQ？To address this question, Duckworth and Seligman conducted a two-year study of eighth graders, combining several mea

6、sures of self-discipline for a more reliable measure, and also assessing IQ, achievement test scores, grades, and several other measures of academic performance. Using this better measure of self-discipline, they found that self-discipline was a significantly better predictor of academic performance

7、 7 months later than IQ.How did they arrive at this result？ They studied a group of 8th-graders at the beginning of the school year. They used five different measures of self-discipline:the Eysenck Junior Impulsiveness scale (a 23-questionsurvey about impulsive behavior), the Brief Self-Control Scal

8、e (13 questions measuring thoughts, emotions, impulses, and performance), two questionnaires in which parents and teachers rated the student's self-discipline, and a version of Mischel's delay of gratification task. Students were given an envelope containing $1, and were told they could spen

9、d it immediately or bring it back in a week for a $2 reward. The students were also given an IQ test (OLSAT7, level G).At the end of the school year, students were surveyed again and several measures of academic performance were taken. The data included final GPA (grade point average), a spring achi

10、evement test, whether they had been admitted to the high school of their choice, and number of hours they spent on homework. All except two measures correlated more strongly to self-discipline than to IQ. Scores on spring achievement tests were correlated both to self-discipline and IQ, but there wa

11、sn't a significant difference. Duckworth and Seligman suggest that this could be partially due to the fact that achievement tests are similar in format to IQ tests. The other area where there was no significant difference was in school absenses.Most impressive was the whopping .67 correlation be

12、tween self-discipline and final GPA, compared to a .32 correlation for IQ. This graph dramatically shows the difference between the two measures:Both IQ and self-discipline are correlated with GPA, but self-discipline is a muchmore important contributor: those with low self-discipline have substanti

13、ally lower grades than those with low IQs, and high-discipline students have much better grades than high-IQ students. Even after adjusting for the student's grades during the first marking period of the year, students with higher self-discipline still had higher grades at the end of the year. T

14、he same could not be said for IQ. Further, the study found no correlation between IQ and self-discipline these two traitsvaried independently.This is not to say this study will end the debate on IQ and heredity.Thestudy says nothing about whether self-discipline is heritable. Further, the self-disci

15、pline might be correlated differently with achievement for different populations; this study covered only eighth graders in a relatively privileged school. Perhaps self-discipline has a different role at other ages, or in more diverse populations (though the study group was quite ethnically diverse

16、52% White, 31% Black, 12% Asian, and 4%Latino). Perhaps the most important question which remains is how best to teach children self-discipline or whether it can be taught at all.智商曾经是成白上千的研究者的主题,学者们曾经致力于研究智商和种族,性别, 社会经济状况,甚至音乐等之间的关系.有关智商和种族关系以及智商遗传性的 讨论也非常热(可能最有名的是Steven Jay Gould的<关于人类的误区&a

17、mp;gt;). 然而,所有对智商感兴趣的研究中,有关智商在学校表现影响方面课题那么较少.Angela Duckworth 和Martin Seligman 估计,有关智商和学业成就关系之间的 论文中,只有不到十分之一的文章提到了自身努力.即便如此,这些小比例关于自 身努力的研究也只是认为它对成功有重要影响".Walter Mischel 和 colleagues发现二十世纪八十年代,四岁的孩子延长快乐的水平比方手上有两 块饼十会等一会再吃掉他们,而不是先吃掉一块再说成为了年后学术研究的对 象.而另外一些人那么发现了个性和学业成绩之间,以及自身努力和大学优秀生之 间的关系.很多关于自

18、身努力的研究出现了相互矛盾的结果,或者这要归罪于自身努力的难以量化.是否能出现一个更有说服力的证据：自身努力对学校成绩的 影响大于智商？为了落实这个一问题,Duckworth 和Seligman对八年级生进行了一项为期两年 的调查,为了更可信,采用了很多自身努力的量化参数,也测试了智商.学业成绩, 年级以及很多其他在校表现.籍此,他们发现,自身努力比智商更明显的预言了学 生七个月后的表现.如何得到这个结果的？他们从学年开始就对八年级学生进行调查,使用了五项不 同的自身努力量化参数:Eysenck初级冲动数有关冲动行为的23个问题,自我 限制系数关于思考,情绪,冲动和表现的十三个问题,两个问卷由老师和家长评 定该孩子的自我修养,还有一个Mischel的自我满足测试任务.给孩子们一个装 了 1美元的信封,告诉他们可以马上花掉它或者一个星后用它换2美元.同时也给他们做了智商测定.学年结束后,孩子们乂接受了调查,还拿到了他们的成绩单