经济与贸易外文翻译.doc

毕业设计（论文）外文翻译题 目:抓住欧洲深渊 英文题目:Staring into the abyss 系 :经济与贸易 专 业: 班 级: 学 号: 姓 名: 指导老师: 填表日期: 抓住欧洲深渊经济学家摘要：欧洲官员仍然需要快速采取行动，执行危机应对计划，平息市场的波动。欧洲官员坚持要求通过希腊新联合政府实行财政改革计划获得市场信心，IMF表示支持。一旦希腊的紧缩计划获得广泛的支持，IMF将会完成对希腊财政状况的审核，并就下一笔援助贷款的发放做出决定。关键词：欧盟；经济；危机；货币；市场前言：欧元区经济之所以陷入如此境地，全是主权债务危机惹的祸。一段时期以来，虽然欧盟出台了五花八门的救火举措，但欧债危机非但没有缓解，近来反倒急剧升温。当前欧元区经济局势有恶化之势。如今，欧元区第三大经济体意大利已成风暴眼，其融资成本达到不可持续的水平。欧洲经济危机唤醒了整个欧洲，与爱德华卡尔说法相对立，更有可能的是，欧洲危机将导致经济下滑并达成妥协。1931年英国放弃黄金准则，这一放弃，不仅仅是放弃了对货币管理的体系的管理，而且还以此确定了英国将无法承担起帝王之称这一说法。1971年美国打破货币限制，先进行货币下滑政策并持久进行，直到1980年保罗. 沃尔克重新建立货币政策并拾回信心。像奥地利伟大的经济学家约瑟夫阿洛伊斯熊彼特以此发表言论说：“一个人的货币政策反应了这个国家的需求，这个国家所行之事，这个国家所面临与遭受的一切问题等相关事情。”，同种情况，这次危机吞噬的不仅仅是欧元区，取而代之的是整个欧盟。政府公债，股票价格，银行异乎寻常的举动和全球经济的萧条给我们敲响了警钟。当务之急是财政与经济的衰退。但是，只有了解欧洲发生的一切事情才能以此了解货币发生了怎样的变化。对于一些欧洲回避数年的根本性问题，如果他们不予以回答将无法使欧盟安定下来。这些问题的根源在于一个国家如何回应人们周围的一切会发生如此大地变化。欧盟将会如何分割西部垄断者的债务并变得更加富有，已成熟的欧洲开始持续观察正在复苏的亚洲的西部半岛。一些欧洲经济学家打算在广阔健康的市场周围建精心设计的防御墙。另外一些包括人数正在剧增的平民政客，都希望向国家内部发展，不仅要排除世界的影响还多多参考欧洲精英汇集成的计划项目。还有一些也是来自那些精英中的人，大多数支持各种各样的方法来还债，这种解决的方法不是逃避全球一体化的行为，而是一心一意地去解决问题。不同于哲学性选择摘要，欧盟将进行激烈的斗争，像在希腊进行的活动，乔治帕潘德里欧建立的是个失去势力的临时统一团结的政府。在法国和利比亚有无数被遗弃的工厂，这种情况浪费了下西班牙成千上万人的生命。这场斗争将会限制欧洲的一些福利国家并且决定德国与法国之间不平等的合伙关系，和正在急剧分裂的大不列颠国，这些都将是欧盟要发生的一切情况。这些情况都将决定布鲁塞尔的高要求政策和欧洲平民注意的低要求政策。不同国家的政策决定各自国家的策略的使用程度，约瑟夫阿洛伊斯熊彼特说必须看这些政策在欧洲实施的具体内容.近期，整个欧洲正处于低迷时期。担心欠债的国家摧毁欧洲银行，这些欠债的国家有希腊，葡萄牙，爱尔兰，西班牙等，更另人不可思议的是，意大利要承兑3万亿欧元（4.2万亿美元），这一行为将以债券形式将击垮欧洲的数家银行，破坏银行的自信心与信誉度。对于财政的空前紧缩，这给社会带来了萧条，使政府还不起债券的危机加剧，银行将受更严重的打击。欧元区还是有能力去阻止银行和政府这次行动。作为一个整体，相比美国，所欠的债务和公共部门赤字还是较少的，如果有必要情况，欧元区还是有资金来填补希腊、葡萄牙、爱尔兰等所欠款。欧洲中央行提及，原则上可以背后支持那些脆弱的政府通过对二级市场购买它们无限量的债券。但是欧盟所做得数次令人信服的救援都以失败告终。在上个月末，最新的和最勇敢地尝试因为缺少市场，像其他一些国家一样，还是失败了。对于这种现象的原因是欧洲国家深深地陷在争执中，并对每个国家就何种如何解决有着很大的分歧。因此，欧盟这些国家一直都没有解决这些争端，花在争执不同见解的问题上的时间远远多于花在找一个共同解决办法的时间上，一致的行为需要有一个定义说明欧洲不可能一直原地不动。导致灾难的多种途径世界不可能等着欧洲来做一个决定，否则伴随着的是一场大灾难。灾难的形式有很多。欧盟协议有规定允许成员国撤出欧元区，但又有谁能阻止政府的决定呢？欧洲的银行将面临着对自信心的致命打击。面对已颁布的条款，意大利和西班牙没有权利借款。政府将以另一种方法取代强加征税来拒绝。任何方法都会带来连贯性的影响并将世界经济带入萧条。一些业内人士认为，欧元区将以德国为中心开始分裂。日耳曼人则认为欧元会升值，银行和企业会对外损失巨大财产，出口商会处于不利的位置。除此之外，德国还嘲讽欧盟的协议如此得寸进尺，触犯了所有欧盟成员国家的法律，有些竟是完全抵制。欧元区的一个中央银行家承认自己最近在研究历史大灾难，例如第一次世界大战期间，世界时怎么撞着了欧洲。他却说：“在这次危机时期，做错决定是多么轻而易举的事情。”经济与货币联盟（EMU）允许具有竞争性的货币贬值，这一决定于1990年大大威胁了单一市场，并承诺把德国统一到欧盟国家里来，这为今后的政治联盟做了铺垫。如今这个说法还未完全销声匿迹，单一的市场却再一次受到经济威胁。欧盟成员国正处于对立阶段，德国正处于愤怒阶段，欧盟与其所有成员国都比以往更加焦虑。欧洲历史学家戴维说：“经济与货币联盟确实是令人郁闷说明的联盟。”“2008经济危机表明，经济支配并不是他们所认为的经济支配那样。”法国IMF前任首领多米尼克.史特劳斯卡恩说，“如果欧洲失败，欧洲只会有在经济支配和文化支配上有极小的进步。”欧洲能逃离这个深渊吗？只有在核心国家才能支持他们接受其他根本的政治、社会和经济改革。任何人都想象不出这将会有多困难。总结：欧洲危机将要唤醒整个欧洲，更有可能的是，欧洲危机将导致经济下滑并达成妥协。Staring into the abyssTHE ECNOMICSTKey words：the euro；economic；crisis；currency；marketThe euro crisis might wake Europe up. But more likely, argues Edward Carr, it will lead to compromise and declineWHEN BRITAIN ABANDONED the gold standard in 1931, it was not only forsaking a system for managing the currency but also acknowledging that it could no longer bear the mantle of empire. When America broke the dollars peg with gold in 1971, it ushered in a decline that continued until Paul Volcker re-established confidence in the currency in the early 1980s. As Joseph Schumpeter, the great Austrian economist, once wrote: “The monetary system of a people reflects everything that the nation wants, does, suffers, is.”In the same way, the crisis that has engulfed the European Union (EU) is about much more than the euro. As government bonds, share prices and banks swoon and global recession knocks on the door, the first fear is of financial and economic collapse. But to understand what is happening to the currency you also need to look at what is happening to Europe. The euro will not be safe until Europe answers some fundamental questions that it has run away from for many years. At their root is how its nations should respond to a world that is rapidly changing around them. What will it do as globalisation strips the West of the monopoly over the technologies that have made it rich, and an ageing Europe starts to look increasingly like the western peninsula of a resurgent Asia?Some Europeans would like to put up carefully designed fences around the EUs still vast and wealthy market. Others, including a growing number of populist politicians, want to turn their nations inward and shut out not just the world but also the elites project of European integration. And a fewfrom among those same elites, mostlyargue that the only means of paying for Europes distinctive way of life is not to evade globalisation but to embrace it wholeheartedly.This is not some abstract philosophical choice. It is a fierce struggle for Europes future, being waged in Athens as George Papandreou loses power to a temporary government of national unity, in derelict factories in France and Belgium and in the wasted lives of millions of unemployed young Spaniards. This struggle will set the limits on Europes welfare state. It will determine how the unbalanced partnership between Germany and France, and an increasingly detached Britain, will shape the EU. It will define the high politics of Brussels and the low politics of European populism. And it will decide the fate of the device that Schumpeter would see as the embodiment of all this: the euro.Just now the euro zone is caught in a dismal downward spiral. Fears about whether the governments in Greece, Portugal, Ireland, Spain and, most alarmingly, Italy will honour their 3 trillion ($4.2 trillion) or so of borrowing are wrecking European banks, which own their debt. Struggling banks undermine confidence and credit. Coming on top of fiscal austerity, this is bringing on recession, deepening fears that governments will be unable to pay back their debts, which further weakens the banks. And so the vice turns, down towards disaster.The euro zone still has the capacity to stop this run on its banks and governments. As a block, it is less indebted than America and its public-sector deficit is lower. It has the money to fortify its banks against the default of Greeceand Portugal and Ireland, if need be. And it is minded by the European Central Bank (ECB), which can in principle stand behind those vulnerable governments by buying their debt in unlimited quantities on the secondary market. But the EU has repeatedly failed to put forward a convincing euro rescue. Its latest and bravest attempt, at the end of last month, fell short of the markjust like all the others. That is because the Europeans are deeply at odds over what the crisis is really about, and riven by disagreement over what each country must contribute towards solving it (see article). So long as the euro zones members cannot settle these arguments, or at least agree that their differences matter less than finding a solution, the collective action needed to defend the euro will remain impossible.Many roads to disasterWhile the world waits for Europe to make up its mind, catastrophe is in the air. It could take many forms. A country might storm out of the eurowhich the treaty forbids, but who could stop a determined government? European banks might suffer a fatal loss of confidence. Italy or Spain might become unable to borrow on decent terms. Or a government trying to impose austerity might be replaced by one that rejects it. Any of these could cause contagion and plunge the world economy into depression.A euro-zone central banker confesses that he has lately been thinking about historical catastrophes such as the first world war and wondering how the world blundered into them. “From the middle of a crisis”, he says ominously, “you can see how easy it is to make mistakes.”Economic and Monetary Union (EMU) was supposed to banish the competitive devaluations that threatened the single market in the early 1990s. It promised to bind a unified Germany into the EU and pave the way for some