2015年6月经济学人(英汉双语对照).doc

2015年6月经济学人中英双语对照 2015-06-01 处于改革浪潮中的庞大机构 政府官员的经验之谈Reforming Leviathan 处于改革浪潮中的庞大机构Mandarin lessons 政府官员的经验之谈Governments need to rethink how they reward and motivate civil servants 政府需要重新思考如何去奖励和提升公务员的工作动力。THE French call them hauts fonctionnaires, the Germans Beamte im h?heren Dienst and the British, somewhat more economically, know them as “mandarins”. The senior echelons of civil services are a powerful arm of the state. They implement the reforms dreamed up by politicians, and design public services ranging from welfare systems to prisons. Compared with private-sector bosses, the bureaucrats who manage the public sector tend to be less well paid but have more cushioned lives, with more secure jobs and far less pressure to improve productivity. Now the mandarins face change. 法语中称呼他们为官方人员，德语叫做高级公务员，英国则各位简短称呼公务员为政界要员。公务员的高层人员是国家的一个强大的臂膀。他们实现政客对于改革的设想，并构思计划公共服务，涵盖面从福利制度到监狱。与私营部门的老板相比，负责管理公共部门的官员往往不太高薪，但拥有更多的缓冲生活，更安全的工作，对于提高工作效率方面，其承受的压力远不如私营老板。现在的政府高级官员们面临着改变。There has long been taxpayer fury when big projects go awry. Berlins new airport is three years overdue and predicted to cost 6 billion (8.1 billion), three times the original estimate. But voters, and thus politicians, are especially intolerant of civil-service inefficiency nowadays. One prompt is austerity. Another is technology, which is changing not only how public services are deliveredthink of “massively open online courses” in educationbut also the way they can be measured. Social networks enable users to grumble about hospital waiting-times and mathematics results. Perhaps the biggest pressure is the passing of time: private-sector workers are incredulous as to why civil servants should escape the creative destruction that has changed other offices around the world. 长期以来，大项目出差错时纳税人会因而感到十分愤怒。柏林新机场建设已有三年逾期，并且预计耗资60亿欧元（81亿人民币），三倍于原来的预算。但在现今，选民和政客尤其无法忍受公务员服务效率低下。其中一个提示便是紧缩政策。另一个则是技术，这不仅正在改变公共服务的提供方式思考“大规模开放式在线课程”的教育但同时也是在思考他们可以被评估的方式。社交网络让用户有机会抱怨医院候诊室漫长的等待时间和自己的数学成绩。或许最大的压力是时间的流逝：私营部门的工作人员对于为何公务员要逃避已经改变了全球政府各部的创造性破坏表示质疑。The reform of the public sector is a huge project, but people are at the centre of it. Government is a service industry, and there is a basic talent problem. A few civil servicesSingapores is the obvious examplecompete with the private sector for the best graduates. But elsewhere even elite departments, such as the US Treasury and Britains Foreign Office, struggle (or lose high-flyers quickly). The mandarins and their political masters need to change tack. 公共部门的改革是一项庞大的工程，需要以人民为中心。政府是一个服务行业，并且存在一个基本的人才问题。一些民事部门如新加坡的民事部门就是一个明显的例子他们能够与私营部门竞争优秀人才。但在其他地方，即使是精英部门，如美国财政部和英国外交部，也同样存在斗争（或很快失去极高报负者）。政府官员和他们的政治领导者需要改变策略。Too many civil servants, especially in continental Europe, swirl around a bureaucratic Gormenghast but rarely leave it. Nearly four-fifths of German senior public servants have been in public administration for more than two decades. The French state under Franois Hollande is governed by a caste of unsackable functionaries, resistant to reform. One reason many officials become stuck is their generous pension deals: making pensions portable should be a priority. But career structures also must adapt. 太多的公务员，尤其是在欧洲大陆的公务员，他们漩涡在具有官僚政治的古老王国歌门鬼城身旁，但很少会选择离开它。近五分之四的德国高级公务员已经在公共管理中工作超过二十年。整个法国处于奥朗德状态，由固若金汤的社会团体所管辖，他们抵制改革。其中一个原因是，很多官员被慷慨的养老金交易卡住：使得养老金可携带成为一个必须考虑的优先事项。但是，职业结构也必须作出适当改变。Most civil services still tend to be gerontocracies, where age and seniority are synonymous. New Zealand has dismantled the system of rigid hierarchies and pay-grades that spawned the likes of the phlegmatic Sir Humphrey in the BBC comedy “Yes Minister”. Instead, it appoints departmental chief executives in its ministries, who sign contracts to meet specific targets and can be dismissed if they fail. Singapores civil servants are frequently sent out to private-sector jobs. Britain has appointed a senior figure from the oil business to run the agency that deals with large-scale state projects. The idea is that private-sector experience in areas such as contract management and negotiation can help avoid disasters like Berlins airport. 大部分公务员还是倾向于老人统治，这一词是年龄和资历的同义词。新西兰已经剔除了坚硬的等级和付费等级制度，这两种等级产生了类似于冷漠的汉弗莱爵士在BBC喜剧中的台词中“是，首相”这种制度方面的喜好。相反，它任命在其各部委部门的行政首长，负责签订契约，以达到特定的目标，并在他们失败时可以予以取消。新加坡的公务员被频繁地派遣到私营部门就业。英国已任命来自石油行业的资深人物来运行国家大型项目所涉及的机构。我们的想法是，在诸如合同管理和谈判领域私营部门的经验，可以帮助避免像柏林机场所发生的灾难。All this appeals to right-wing politicians. But the corollary of better performance is higher pay. The British governments chief operating officer announced this week that he is leaving for a lucrative commercial job. Singapore, which runs a far leaner government than America, pays its best people 2m a year. No Republican congressman would tolerate that, which is foolish. The cost of higher salaries is offset by saving money on costly consultants to mop up failing projects. 这一切都吸引了右翼政客。但更好成绩的必然结果是更高的薪水。英国政府的首席营运官在这个星期宣布，他将要胜任一份利润丰厚的商务工作。新加坡，其运行比美国更为精简的政府，付给其最佳胜任者200万美元一年的薪酬。没有共和党议员能够容忍这一点，他们认为这是愚蠢的想法。更高的工资成本是由节约资金成本聘请高昂费用的顾问以扫荡失败的项目而抵消的。There is one area where less change would be useful. To plan careers, you need a long-term strategyand democracy throws up change every election. In Britain health-care officials talk about successive “re-disorganisations”. One reason for authoritarian Singapores success is that its voters have miraculously always chosen the party founded by Lee Kuan Yew since he took control in 1959. Voters elsewhere are less obliging. New Zealand has tried to counter this by boosting the powers of a state-services commissioner, whose duties include one of lasting “stewardship”. That could be a useful model for elsewhereespecially America, where too many senior positions are filled by political appointees (who then take months to get confirmed by Congress). Mandarinates have their faults, but somebody needs to keep Leviathan working. 在有的地方发生更少的变化是有用的。要规划职业生涯，你需要一个长期的战略民主党在每一次选举中都抛出改变的承诺。在英国，其卫生保健官员谈相继出现的计划混乱。独裁新加坡的成功原因之一是在于它的选民已经奇迹般地始终选择由李光耀在1959年掌权开始创办的一党。其他地方的投票人则没有表现如此殷勤。新西兰一直试图通过提高一个国家的服务专员的权力而抵制这种情况，这些服务专员的职责包括其中之一的持久的“管家”权力。这可能是在其他地方是十分有用的模式尤其对于美国，在那里太多的高级职位由政治性任命的官员填补了有益的模式（他们需要数月才能通过国会得到证实）。官职有其缺点，但需要有人来维持庞大体系的运作。2015-06-03警察与紧缩 下降趋势The police and austerity 警察与紧缩Down beat 下降趋势Budget cuts may not affect crimebut they will change politics 削减预算可能不会影响犯罪但能改变政治Good old-fashioned policing 传统治安维持方式POLICING in England and Wales is in crisis and things are about to get nasty. That, at least, is what the coppers would have you believe. Ahead of the annual conference this week of the Police Federation, the policemens union, Steve White, its leader, cautioned that budget cuts could mean a move towards more“paramilitary” policing, with officers using water cannons, rubber bullets and tear gas. Theresa May, the home secretary, accused him of scaremongering. Mr Whites logic is certainly fuzzy. But his warnings highlight the deteriorating relations between the police and their traditional allies, the Conservatives.英格兰和威尔士的警务正处于危机之中，并且情况还会越来越糟。至少警察会让你相信这一点。在本周警察联合会（警察联盟）的年度会议之前，联合会领导人Steve White警告说预算削减意味着更多警察会朝着用高压水枪、橡皮子弹和催泪瓦斯行动这类更加“准军事”的警务发展。内政大臣特里萨梅指责他是危言耸听。White的逻辑确实有失偏颇。但是他的警告却表明了警察与其传统的盟友保守派关系的恶化。Police today are warier of heavy tactics than they once were. Chris Donaldson, a retired police officer, was on the streets of Tottenham in 1985, when riots broke out around the Broadwater Farm estate. He was back there in 2011 when disturbances erupted after police shot and killed Mark Duggan, a suspected gang member. Three decades ago, police were far more willingsometimes overly soto use force, says Mr Donaldson. In the 1980s, at the height of battles with striking miners, the police “would definitely be instructed to charge at times,” says Peter Neyroud, a former chief constable now at Cambridge University. 如今的警察相较以前在使用战术上更为精妙。1985年当布罗德沃特农场庄园发生暴动时，Chris Donaldson（现在已经退休）就在附近的托特纳姆的街道上。他于2011年又回到那里，当时警察开枪打死一名疑似帮派成员Mark Duggan而引发骚乱。Donaldson说，30年前，警察更愿意甚至有时过度使用武力。在20世纪80年代这个矿工罢工的高潮时期，警察“肯定会时常奉命控告”，Peter Neyroud说道，他是前任警察局长，现在在剑桥大学工作。Today they are more reluctant to use such strategies. Officers try to to contain public disorder with tactics such as kettling, whereby demonstrators are confined to a small area. Rather than leading to paramilitary-style policing, declining ranks of officers could make negotiation between police and protesters more common. Short on numbers, cops policing protests will have to behave even more carefully to avoid precipitating trouble. And tougher tactics are “largely anathema to the British police”, says Tim Newburn, a criminologist at the London School of Economics, with senior officers unconvinced such tactics are effective and certain they are unpopular. 而现在警察都不太愿意使用这样的方式。警察试图用灌壶（把示威者限制在小范围的战术）等策略来制止公共秩序混乱。低级别的警官促成警察和反抗者之间的谈判更为常见，而不是采用准军事风格来维持治安。由于警察数量减少，警察在处理抗议活动时不得不更加小心，以免引起麻烦。英国伦敦经济学院一位犯罪学家Tim Newburn说严格的战术“很大程度上是英国警方的诅咒”，因为高级警官不相信这种策略是行之有效的，也不认为它们是受欢迎的。Even after the coalition governments cuts of 20% to police budgets, and an 11% fall in officer numbers since 2010, by historical standards there are still a lot of police about. Bobbies are more numerous today than in the mid-1990s, when law-breaking was at its peak. 即使自2010年来，联合政府削减20%的警方预算以及减少11%的警力，按历史标准还有许多政策和预算和警察有关。相比违法的高峰期20世纪90年代，如今警察的数量还是要多得多。The police have long resisted reductions to their budgets. But few would have thought the fiercest cuts, harshest criticism and clearest diminution in their political clout would come under the Tories, so long the party of law and order. With David Cameron, the prime minister, determined to save money and reform what he once called the “last great unreformed public service”, the once-close relationship between the Tories and Britains law-enforcers has soured. 警察总是抵制削减他们的预算。但是没人想到，最大幅度的削减、最残酷的批评以及警察明显下降的政治影响力会发生在一向重视法律和秩序的保守党执政时期。首相卡梅伦下定决心要节省开支，并且决心改革他曾经称作 “最后一个大型的未被改革的公共服务”，这让保守党与英国警察一度亲密的关系遭到破坏。 2015-06-05乌克兰的前线 渴望平静Ukraines front line 乌克兰的前线Longing for silence 渴望平静Diplomacy fails the folk on the edge 外交政策未能使民众满意A subterranean life （住在地下的生活）LYUBA VOEVCHIK lives underground. Her neighbourhood, the Petrovsky district of Donetsk, is close to eastern Ukraines front line. When shells began landing on her street last summer, she moved to the dank basement of a local cultural centre, where she and her two youngest sons share a narrow bed with faded pink sheets. Frightened and exhausted, Ms Voevchik has not slept at home in nearly a year. The latest ceasefire has provided little solace. “They should hush up,” Ms Voevchik says with a sigh. “They promised.” LYUBA VOEVCHIK女士住在顿涅茨克的彼得罗夫斯基区的地下室里，邻近乌克兰东部前线。去年夏天，炮弹开始落在她家门口的街道上时，她搬去了当地文化中心潮湿的地下室，在那里，她和她两个年幼的儿子一起睡在一张狭窄的床上，床上铺着褪色了的粉色床单。既惊恐万分又筋疲力尽的VOEVCHIK女士几乎一年没有睡在家里了。最近的停火给她带来了一丝安慰。VOEVCHIK女士叹了口气说道：“他们应该加快速度，他们保证过。”Those promises were the subject of high-level talks between Russia and America last week. John Kerry, Americas secretary of state, conferred with Vladimir Putin, Russias president. Victoria Nuland, another American envoy, shuttled between Kievand Moscow, urging compliance with the faltering Minsk peace plan. 这些承诺是上周俄罗斯和美国高层谈话的结果。美国国务卿约翰克里与俄罗斯总统弗拉基米尔普京一起商讨此事。另一位美国使者，维多利亚纽兰，往返于基辅与莫斯科之间，督促他们遵守摇摇欲坠的明斯克和平计划。But as diplomats keep talking, the guns keep sputtering and civilians like Ms Voevchik keep suffering. The United Nations estimates that the war has left 5m people in need of humanitarian help. Of the more than 6,000 killed since last April, most have been civilians. Some 2m people have been displaced, and countless more reduced to lives of basic survival. Worst hit are the sick, the elderly and children. 但随着外交官们谈判的继续，双方仍然在交火。像Voevchik女士这样的百姓一直饱受磨难。据联合国预计，战争使得五百万人民需要人道主义援助。去年四月以来，超过六千人死亡，其中大多数都是平民百姓。大约两百万人流离失所，无数的人只能勉强维持基本生存。病人、老人和孩子受到最大的创伤。The woes of front-line residents have mounted as the authorities who are supposed to succour them vanish. Ukraines government has stopped financing the separatist-held territories (including pension payments and doctors salaries), and has offered haphazard help to the internally displaced on its side of the lines. 原本应该提供帮助的当局消失后，前线居民的痛苦日益增加。乌克兰政府已经停止资助在分裂分子控制领土上的人（包括退休金和医生的薪水），并且只为分界线境内流离失所的人们提供随机帮助。The separatist leadership has proved capable of little more than waging war. Russias aid to the region has been heavy on guns and light on butter. “It turned out that nobody cares about the people,”says Evgeniy Shibalov, co-founder of Responsible Citizens, a volunteer-run humanitarian aid group in Donetsk.The outside world has ignored the plight of theDonbas region, treating war as a geopolitical rather than a humanitarian problem. Of the $316m the UN requested for aid toUkraine this year, only a quarter has been pledged. 分裂分子领导人已被证明只有能力发动战争。俄罗斯为乌克兰提供的救援中，多数为枪支，而不是生活供给。Responsible Citizens，这个由志愿者经营的人道主义援助小组位于顿涅茨克，其共同创始人Evgeniy Shibalov表示：“结果居然没有人关心人民。”世界忽视了顿巴斯地区的困境，把战争看成地理政治问题，而不是人道主义问题。联合国要求今年给乌克兰提供3亿1千6百万美元的救助，而只有四分之一到位。Humanitarian organisations and volunteers have stepped in. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) opened five offices in the area. Medecins Sans Frontires (MSF), a health charity, has sent dozens of doctors. During the heaviest fighting, Responsible Citizens delivered aid to “red zone” areas which others deemed too dangerous. Pomozhem, a foundation started by Rinat Akhmetov, Ukraines richest oligarch and a native of Donetsk, distributes monthly food handouts to over 800,000 people on both sides of the lines. More still sign up every month. The foundations 12kg package of essentials like salt, sugar, pasta and flour “helps us survive in this nightmare”, says one pensioner from Donetsks Kievskiy district, which borders the citys heavily bombed airport. 人道主义组织和志愿者们已经介入。国际红十字会在乌克兰开设了五个办事处。一个健康慈善机构Medecins Sans Frontires (MSF)已经往乌克兰派遣了几十名医生。在战斗最激烈的时候，Responsible Citizens小组给“红色地带”，这个其他人视作危险地区的区域提供救援。Rinat Akhmetov是乌克兰最富有的寡头，也是顿涅茨克本地人，由他创建的Pomozhem基金会，每个月为前线八十多万人提供食品救济，救助人数每个月还在不断增加。Pomozhem基金会用于运送像盐，糖，意大利面和面粉这些生活必需品的十二公斤包裹“帮助我们在噩梦中存活下来”， 一位来自顿涅茨克Kievskiy区的老人如是说。Kievskiy区毗邻被严重轰炸的机场区域。When war was raging, aid workers focused on treating the wounded and evacuating civilians. Now, as fighting has ebbed (though not fully ceased), attention has turned to securing medical and food supplies and rebuilding damaged homes. Ukrainian government restrictions have exacerbated supply shortages, limited civilian access to aid and deepened resentment in separatist-held areas. Pensioners can only retrieve funds in government-controlled territory, and many are physically or economically unable to get there. To cross the lines, residents need a pass from the Kiev authorities; that can take months. The rebel authorities pay pensions sporadically. 战争肆虐时，救援工人专注于治疗伤者并撤出群众。现在，随着战争消退（虽然没有完全停止），注意力已经转向确保医疗和食物供应，以及重建受损的房屋。乌克兰政府已经加重了对供应短缺的限制，限制群众接受救助，加深对分裂分子控制区域的不满。老人只能在政府控制的领土领取退休金，而许多人由于身体或经济原因无法到达那里。要想越过分界线，居民需要一张由基辅当局批准的通行证，而这往往需要等待数月。反叛政府偶尔支付养老金。Other problems will linger long after all fire ceases. “When the conflict stops, it doesnt mean life goes completely back to normal,” says David Nash of MSF in Donetsk. Unexploded ordnance hides along country roads. Psychological trauma haunts daily life. At one school near the front, childish drawings adorn the wall. Subjects include two soldiers running through a field beside two tanks under a receding sun, an old woman and a boy huddled with their cat and dog in front of a burning home, and two children gripping their mother in candlelight, with the words, “Give us back the quiet!” 其他问题将在全面停火后仍然持续存在。来自顿涅茨克的MSF机构的David Nash表示：“冲突停止后，并不意味着生活将完全回归正常。”未爆炸武器藏于国家道路中。心里创伤影响着人们的日常生活。在一所靠近前线的学校里，稚嫩的绘画装饰着墙壁。夕阳西下，两名战士穿过两架坦克旁的一片田野；一位老妇人和一个男孩与猫和狗一起蜷缩于燃烧的房屋前；两名儿童在烛光中紧抓着他们的母亲，嘴里说到：“让我们重回安静的生活！”2015-06-07社会的改变 弱男子Social change 社会的改变The weaker sex 弱男子Blue-collar men in rich countries are in trouble. They must learn to adapt 在发达国家的蓝领男性群体正处于困境中，他们必须学会适应。AT FIRST glance the patriarchy appears to be thriving. More than 90% of presidents and prime ministers are male, as are nearly all big corporate bosses. Men dominate finance, technology, films, sports, music and even stand-up comedy. In much of the world they still enjoysocial and legal privileges simply because they have a Y chromosome. So it might seem odd to worry about the plight of men. 父系社会现在咋一看似乎正兴盛。超过90%的国家总统总理，和几乎所有大型公司的大boss都是男性。男性统治着经济，科技，企业，体育，音乐，甚至连说相声的都基本是男的。在大多数国家里男人仅仅因为拥有一条Y染色体便享有在社会和法律上的特权，这样看来，担心男性的“悲催命运”般的困境似乎是在杞人忧天。Yet there is plenty of cause for concern. Men cluster at the bottom as well as the top. They are far more likely than women to be jailed, estranged from their children, or to kill themselves. They earn fewer university degrees than women. Boys in the developed world are 50% more likely to flunk basic maths, reading and science entirely. 但有却又大量的原由让人不得不担心。男性群体从渣男到精英男，他们在被关进监狱啊，被他们的孩子疏远嫌弃啊，或者自杀率啊都远远大于女性，却在取得更多的大学学位上败给了女性。在发达国家中，有50%左右的男孩会在基础数学，阅读和科学学科上挂掉。One group in particular is suffering. Poorly educated men in rich countries have had difficulty coping with the enormous changes in the labour market and the home over the past half-century. As technology and trade have devalued brawn, less-educated men have struggled to find a role in the workplace. Women, on the other hand, are surging into expanding sectors such as health care and education, helped by their superior skills. As education has become more important, boys have also fallen behind girls in school (except at the very top). Men who lose jobs in manufacturing often never work again. And men without work find it hard to attract a permanent mate. The result, for low-skilled men, is a poisonous combination of no job, no family and no prospects. 在男性群体中又有一类人尤其遭罪。在过去的半个世纪里，发达国家里的受教育程度低的男性已经非常难应对发生了巨变的劳工市场和家庭。现代技术革新和贸易已经使原先的靠劳力形式的肌肉男的价值直线下降，缺少教育的男性，不得不在职场中苦苦挣扎，才能博得一席之地。相反的，女性却依靠着自身出众的技能，在像医疗卫生和教育这样的领域里大放异彩。教育已经变成更重要的事情，而男孩却学校里被女孩甩在了身后（尖端领域学科除外）。从工厂失业的男性常从此不再去工作。而没有工作的男性会发现去吸引永久的伴侣是件非常难的事。由此导致低技术的男性被无工作，无家庭，无前景的“三无”剧毒环环围住。From nuclear families to fissile ones 从核心家庭到易碎家庭Those on t