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Women were told by countless voices in the mass media and form almost every pulpit and lectern to embrace their natural roles as family torturers and housewives.While womens lives -especially those of black women and Latinas-in postwar America rarely matched the gender roles to which they were or felt they were assigned,few people spoke out publicly against the foreclosing of womens options or mens open discrimination against women who worked outside the home. Between 1945 and 1960,the political establishment did nothing to protect women against rampant job discrimination or legal inequities.Throughout the 1960s,as labor trends continued,more women spent more time wrestling with a system which unapologetically excluded them from almost all well-paying jobs and which treated them as second-class human.,whose careers and lives had been rigidly circumscribed by discrimination against women.The measure did help labor union and Democratic Party women to move from the protectionist tradition to the equal rights tradition.Equal rights to come home late from a date sounds frivolous.Little opportunity for influence outside the home,little career advancement or economic mobility existed for women.In it,Friedan described the lives of well-educated women who had at age twenty or twenty-five voluntarily,happily,and singularly devoted themselves to home and family but who found themselves a decade or so later feeling depressed and unfulfilled.Friedan had called this middle-class housewifes predicamentthe problem with no name,and she had concluded:We can no longer ignore that voice in women that says:I want something more than mu husband and my children and my home.Friedan had broken ground,in the mid-twentieth-century United States,by arguing in a popular work that womens unhappiness was not caused by individual shortcoming or neuroses but by social force. What made these reports oftrappedwives and mothers politically portentous was that in large numbers unhappy women were not simply stewing at home but were actively seeking solutions to their discontent.Many housewives were told by their doctors and therapists that their unhappiness was caused by their inability to embrace their natural feminine role of passivity,domesticity,and placidity.By the end of the decade many middle-aged women,a large portion of whom had read The feminine Mystique,would turn to the womens movement for that answer.More often,radical men tried to patronize their feminist peers,accusing them of being selfish for focusing on chick libwhen the Vietnamese and poor people of color around the world suffered from far greater oppression.In 1973,the Supreme Court ruled in Roe v.Wade that women had a constitutional right to control their own bodies and have an abortion.What had once been dismissed as radical nonsense,that men should not have the right tocolonizewomens bodies,had,in one critical instance,become the law of the land.Not until well into the 1970s did nonracial,straight feminist decide that it was simply wrong to allow political expediency to dictate morality;homophobia should have no place in their fight for an egalitarian society.Many homosexuals,according to historian John DEmilio,absorbed these views of themselves as immoral,depraved,and pathological individuals.Part of the activists fight,then,was to convince gay men and lesbians that they were not sick or bad people simply because os their sexual preference.无数的妇女被告知在大众媒体的声音和形式几乎每一个讲坛,讲台接受他们的“自然”家庭折磨和家庭主妇的角色。尽管妇女的生活 - 尤其是那些黑人女性和拉丁美洲人 - 战后美国很少匹配的性别角色,而它们或者觉得他们被分配,很少有人讲出来公开反对对妇女的选项或男子对妇女的公开歧视排斥谁在家庭之外工作。从1945年到1960年,政治机构没有采取任何防范猖獗的就业歧视妇女或法律的不公平。在整个20世纪60年代,随着劳动力的趋势继续下去,更多的妇女有更多的时间花在这辩解摒除在几乎所有高薪工作当作他们的第二类人他们系统摔跤。.,他的职业生涯,并已通过严格对妇女的歧视切的生活。这项措施确实有助于工会和民主党的妇女从移动“保护主义传统传统的平等权利。”平等权利,回家太晚,从一个日期的声音轻浮。家庭以外的影响力的机会很少,几乎没有职业asvancement或经济流动性存在的妇女。其中,弗里丹描述受过良好教育的妇女谁曾在20岁或二五自愿,愉快,和奇投身到家庭和家人,但自己是谁发现十多年后感到沮丧和unfulfilled.Friedan呼吁的生活这个中产阶级家庭主妇的困境“与没有名字的问题”,她总结说:“我们再也不能无视,对妇女的声音说:”。我想要的东西比亩丈夫和我的孩子,我的家更“”弗里丹已破土动工,中期二十世纪的美国,在一个受欢迎的工作,妇女的不幸是不是由个别缺点或疯子,而是由社会力量所造成的争论。什么做的“困”在政治上不祥的妻子和母亲,在这些报告是不愉快的大批妇女并不是单纯炖在家,但正在积极寻求解决方案的不满。许多家庭主妇被告知他们的医生和治疗师,他们的不幸是由他们无法接受其自然造成被动,家庭生活,女性的作用和平稳。到了十年多的中年妇女,大部分人看了女性的奥秘,最终将转向妇女运动的那个答案。更多的时候,激进的人光顾他们的女权主义者试图同行,指责关于“小鸡库”当世界各地的颜色从越南和贫困人口集中遭受更大的压迫他们自私。1973年,最高法院裁定罗伊v.Wade,妇女的宪法权利来控制自己的身体,有一个aborti
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