解读文化帝国主义.doc

Media, Culture & Society媒体,文化和社会Reinterpretation of cultural imperialism: emerging domestic market vs continuing US dominance解读文化帝国主义：新兴的国内市场对继续美国的主导地位Dal Yong JinSIMON FRASER UNIVERSITY, BC西蒙弗雷泽大学Korean popular culture has become dominant in East and Southeast Asia over the last decade. 在过去十年里，韩国流行文化已成为在东亚和东南亚的主导文化。Korean television programs, such as drama and mini-series, are increasingly penetrating different countries in the region, including China, Taiwan, Vietnam, Hong Kong and Japan.韩国的电视节目,如:戏剧和迷你系列,正越来越多地渗透到不同地区的国家, 中国、台湾、越南、香港和日本。Korean films and pop music (Kpop) have also become one of the most popular cultural products in Asia. 在亚洲，韩国电影和流行音乐(Kpop)也已经成为了最受欢迎的文化产品。Korean TV dramas and films seem likely to have even more success ahead as they have begun to find new audiences in other parts of the world. 韩国电视剧和电影似乎在向更多的成功迈进,因为他们已经开始在世界的其他地方寻找新的观众。Although this is still in its infancy, several Korean dramas and films have been shown in Mexico and other Latin American countries (Turan, 2004: 4). 虽然这还处于初级阶段,一些韩国电视剧和电影已经证实进入墨西哥和其他拉丁美洲国家(Turan,2004:4)。Indeed, the total amount of Korean television program exports increased as many as 13 times between 1995 and 2004, from $5.5 million in 1995 to $71.4 million in 2004 (Ministry of Culture and Tourism, 2004, 2005). 事实上, 在1995年和2004年之间，韩国的电视节目出口总量增加了13倍,从1995年的550万美元增加到2004年的7140万美元(文化部、旅游、2004、2005、)。A growing body of literature over the years has examined the newly emerging Korean cultural market and its implications in the Asian region. 查阅越来越多的文献表明新兴的韩国文化市场和它的影响在亚洲地区。Several scholars (Ha and Yang, 2002; Ko, 2002; Lee, 2004) have explored these trends primarily from cultural perspectives, such as cultural proximity and cultural homogenization in East and Southeast Asia. 有几位学者(Ha和杨,2002;柯,2002分;李,2004) 主要从文化的角度探索了这些趋势,如在东亚和东南亚的文化接近和文化同质化方面。The growing literature has contributed to our understanding of whether Korea is constructing aregional hegemony in the global cultural market, as in the case of Mexico, Brazil and India (Sinclair and Harrison, 2004; Straubhaar, 2000). 越来越多的文献，有助于我们了解韩国是否在全球文化市场建设地区霸权，就如同墨西哥，巴西和印度的情况 (辛克莱尔和哈里森,2004分;Straubhaar,2000)。Regardless of increasing scholarship and media coverage of the role of Korean cultural products, there is no convergence in views on Koreas roles in global-local cultural markets because several different factors including political, historical, economic and cultural ones have in a complicated manner influenced the rise in exports of Korean cultural products to Asia.无论学术上还是媒体上关于韩国文化产品的作用的报道，韩国在局部文化市场的作用方面没有取得一致观点，因为有几个不同的因素 - 包括政治，历史，经济和文化的因素 用一种复杂的方式影响了韩国文化产品出口到亚洲的增加。In particular, the rapid growth of Korean popular culture in Asia has raised the issue of whether cultural imperialism, symbolizing a one-way flow of cultural products from Western countries to developing countries, is a reliable thesis to explain the Korean cultural market in the globalization era. 特别需要指出的是,韩国流行文化在亚洲的快速增长是否提高了文化帝国主义的问题,象一个单向流动的文化产品,从西方国家流向发展中国家,是一个可靠的论点用来说明在全球化的时代的韩国文化市场。With the rapid penetration of Korean popular culture in the East and Southeast Asian region, some critical reviews have alluded to the notion that cultural imperialism was over in Korea.韩国流行文化在东亚及东南亚地区的迅速渗透,一些评论间接提到文化帝国主义在韩国结束了的观点。Moreover, several news media, including the Financial Times, stated: Korean creative industries are staging their own version of cultural imperialism by expanding into neighboring Asian markets, although this is a new phenomenon occurring in recent years (in Ward, 2002: 12). 此外,一些新闻媒体,包括金融时报表示:“韩国创意产业扩大到邻近的亚洲市场，上演他们自己的文化帝国主义版本”,尽管这是一个在近几年新发生的现象。Using a historical analysis approach and a cultural imperialism framework, this article investigates the recent development of the Korean cultural industry, providing empirical evidence to demonstrate the increasing role of Korean popular culture in the region. 使用历史分析法和文化帝国主义框架,本文对韩国文化产业最新发展的研究, 提供实证证据，证明越来越多的韩国流行文化在该地区的作用。The study explores Korean cultural product flow in Asia to articulate the increasingly hegemonic role of Korean popular culture in the regional audiovisual market. 研究探讨了在亚洲的韩国文化产品流通，阐明在区域音像市场的韩国流行文化的作用越来越霸权。It then debates whether cultural imperialism has retreated and whether it is still a useful concept for explaining the Korean cultural market, mainly through exploring the nature of the transnationalization of the Korean cultural industry. 然后讨论是否文化帝国主义已经退缩，是否仍是一个有用的概念解释韩国的文化市场，主要是探索韩国文化产业的跨国性质。Cultural imperialism vs counter-cultural imperialism文化帝国主义与反传统主流文化帝国主义The debate on cultural imperialism has been a long-standing topic within international communication research over the last several decades. 在过去的数十年,文化帝国主义的争论一直以来就是国际间交流的主题。Several media scholars, including Herbert Schiller, Jeremy Tunstall, Tapio Varis and Thomas Guback, debated dominance in international cultural exchange when the international communication system mainly expanded by supplying television programs and motion pictures from Western countries to developing countries throughout the 1960s and 1970s. 几家媒体学者,包括赫伯特席勒,杰里米汤斯顿和托马斯Guback Tapio Varis在国际文化交流时辩论, 在整个1960年代和1970年代，主要通过国际通信系统的发展提供了电视节目和电影从西方国家向发展中国家的扩展。They argued that the international communication system was characterized by imbalances and inequalities between rich and poor nations, and that these imbalances were deepening the already existing economic and technological gaps between countries (UNESCO, 1980:11115). 他们认为国际通信系统具有在贫国和富国之间不失衡和不平等的特征,这些不平衡加大了原有的国与国之间的经济和技术差距 (联合国教科文组织、1980:111-15)。According to Herbert Schiller (1976), the powerful US communication industry forced global commercialization on the international communication system. 据赫伯特席勒（1976年），强大的美国通信业强迫在国际的通信系统上进行全球商业化。 He identified the dominance of the US and a few European nations in the global flow of media products as an integral component of Western imperialism, and dubbed it cultural imperialism.他发现美国和几个欧洲国家在媒体产品的全球流动中占主导地位，如同西方帝国主义一个不可分割的组成部分,并将其称为文化帝国主义。Jeremy Tunstall observed that: the cultural imperialism theory has claimed that authentic, traditional and local culture in many parts of the world is being overwhelmed by the indiscriminate dumping of large quantities of slick commercial media products, mainly from the US (1977: 57). 杰里米汤斯顿观察到:“真实的、传统的和地域的文化在世界的许多地方正在被任意倾销大量华而不实的商业媒体产品的打压,主要是来自美国的产品，这个事实使得文化帝国主义理论被断言(1977:57)。Meanwhile, as Thomas Guback argued (1984: 1556), the powerful US communication industry, including film and television as well as news, exerts sometimes quite considerable influence over the cultural life of other nations. 与此同时,托马斯Guback认为(1984:155 -),强大的美国通信产业,包括电影、电视以及新闻, 对其他国家的文化生活的影响有时是相当可观 These scholars defined the international exchange of television programs and motion pictures as a one-way flow from the prosperous nations of the West to the countries of the Third World and/or from the US to the rest of the world. 这些学者定义的电视节目和电影的国际交流是一个单向流动的交流从西方发达国家流向第三世界国家和/或从美国流向世界的其余部分。In other words, these critics generally defined cultural imperialism as the conscious and organized effort made by Western, particularly US communication conglomerates to maintain commercial, political and military superiority.换句话说,这些批评人士通常定义的文化帝国主义是西方有意识和有组织的努力制作出来的,特别是美国通信集团保持商业、政治和军事优势。Those multinational corporations exerted power through a vast extension in cultural control and domination, and thus saturated the cultural space of most countries in the world. 那些跨国公司通过施加一个巨大力量延长文化控制与统治,从而渗透到世界上大多数国家的文化空间。Since the early 1990s, however, the cultural imperialism thesis has come under increasing criticism from diverse perspectives. 然而,从1990年代初开始, 文化帝国主义的论文已经受到越来越多的来自不同角度的批评。Some media scholars have argued that, in the current global media environment, which is characterized by a plurality of actors and media flows, it is no longer possible to sustain the notion of Western media domination (Chadha and Kavoori, 2000; Sonwalkar, 2001). 一些媒体学者认为,在当前全球媒体环境具有由多个演员和媒体流的特点，它已不再可能维持西方媒体统治的概念 (Chadha和Kavoori,2000;Sonwalkar,2001)。There are several emerging domestic cultural industries in various parts of the world, primarily aimed at markets in the same region, or at viewers of the same ethnicity, who share similar language and cultural backgrounds. 有几个新兴国内文化产业在世界各地的,主要是针对市场在同一区域,或者在同一种族的观众,他们具有相似的语言和文化背景。还有一些在世界各地的新兴国内文化产业，主要目的是针对同一地区的市场，或针对有着相似的语言和文化背景同种族的观众。Several Latin American and Asian broadcasters and film producers have been expanding their operations, including program production and distribution in and out of their respective nations or regions in the last decade. 在过去十年里，几个拉丁美洲和亚洲电视和电影制片人已经扩展他们的业务,其中包括在各自国家或地区的生产和分配方案。Television program producers in Mexico and Brazil have created programs for Latin America, and producers in Hong Kong have made programs for the East Asian cultural market (Sinclair et al., 1996). 在墨西哥和巴西的电视节目制作创造了拉丁美洲的方案，而在香港的生产商已为东亚文化市场的制定了方案 (辛克莱尔等问题,1996)。Broadcasting firms and film producers in these countries have indeed produced programs that are more attuned to local tastes (Langdale, 1997). 在这些国家的广播公司和电影制作人确产生了方案,而这些方案更照顾到地方风味(Langdale,1997)。Media scholars, including Joseph Straubhaar, Michael Tracy and Geoffrey Reeves, have each made a case against the cultural imperialism thesis. 媒体学者,包括约瑟夫Straubhaar,迈克尔特蕾西和杰弗里李维斯, 对文化帝国主义的论文分别做了一个案例。With the example of Televisa in Mexico and TV Globo in Brazil, Straubhaar (1991) emphasizes that national cultures can now defend their ways of life and, in some respects, even share their images with the rest of the world. 以墨西哥的特莱维萨和巴西的全球电视为例，Straubhaar(1991)强调现在可以捍卫他们的民族文化的生活方式,在某些方面，甚至能与世界的其他地方分享他们的图像。He argues that some countries find themselves unequal but possessing variable degrees of power and initiative in culture as well as economics. 他认为,一些国家却发现自己在文化以及经济上不能平等地拥有权力和主动性。Tracy (1988) states that traditionally culture-weak Third World producers have now strengthened their national cultural industries to compete against dominant US and European cultural power. 特蕾西(1988),陈述第三世界国家的传统弱势文化生产商现在加强他们的国家文化产业竞争优势对抗美国和欧洲文化的力量。Reeves (1993) also points out that the emergence of many developing nations such as Brazil, Mexico and India as both major producers and global exporters of audiovisual products, has not only altered any one-way flow of Western media content, but has effectively undermined the hegemonic model represented by cultural imperialism. 李维斯(1993年)也指出,出现了许多发展中国家如巴西、墨西哥和印度作为两个主要视听产品的生产商和全球出口商,不仅改变了西方媒体单向流动的内容,而且有效地削弱了霸权模型为代表的文化帝国主义。Meanwhile, John Sinclair and Mark Harrison (2004) emphasize that India and China represent immensely growing markets that provide television program content and services across borders and regions due to their great diasporas in the world. 与此同时,约翰辛克莱尔和马克哈里森(2004)强调,中国和印度，由于它们在世界上的众多侨民，使他们提供的电视节目内容和服务跨越国界和地区，表现出极大增长的市场。These theoreticians are proponents of a reverse cultural imperialism, and they address the significance of the popularity of cultural producers and media flows, arguing that cultural pluralism has now arrived. 这些理论家是一个反文化帝国主义的支持者，他们针对流行文化生产者和媒体流的意思，认为多元文化已经到来。Another main line of attack on the cultural imperialism thesis focuses on the second weak link in its argument, its underestimation of local resistance to Western dominance (Curran and Park, 2000). 另一个对文化帝国主义论点的主要攻击线，集中在第二薄弱的环节，在它的论据上，就是对当地抵抗西方优势的低估(卡伦和公园,2000)。For example, Liebes and Katz (1990) and Straubhaar (2000) argue that audiences in several countries actively resist media content of Western products, while enjoying at least some nationally produced genres. 例如,Liebes Katz Straubhaar(1990)和(2000)认为观众在几个国家积极抵制西方产品的媒体内容,一边欣赏一些国内产生的流派。As Straubhaar points out: audiences will tend to prefer that programming which is closest or most proximate to their own culture: national programming if it can be supported by the local economy (2000: 4). 正如Straubhaar指出:“观众将会倾向最接近或最近似于他们自己的文化:能够支持地方经济的民族节目”(2000:4)。In recent years, this reverse or counter-cultural imperialism seems to apply in the case of South Korea, with the rapid growth of its domestic cultural industries and its exports to the East and South Asian regions. 近年来，这个反向或反文化帝国主义似乎适用于韩国这种本国的文化产业和其在东亚和南亚地区的出口快速增长的情况。The Korean audiovisual industry has begun to produce and export domestic television programs and films on a large scale. 韩国音像产业已开始向大规模生产和出口国内的电视节目和电影。The process remains complex, however, because the US still dominates the Korean cultural market through both cultural products and capital. 这个过程仍然复杂，然而，由于美国通过文化产品和资本仍然在韩国文化市场上占据主导地位，。The Korean cultural market under cultural imperialism文化帝国主义下的韩国文化市场Between the late 1950s and the mid-1990s, Korea was an exemplary case of the cultural imperialism thesis.在20世纪50年代末和90年代中期之间，韩国是一个文化帝国主义论点的典型例子。 From the inception of Korean TV history in 1956, Korean TV programming relied enormously on imports from the US during the 1950s and 1960s, as in many other countries.从1956年韩国电视台成立开始，在20世纪50年代和60年代，如同在其他许多国家一样，韩国的电视节目极大地依赖于从美国进口。An unequal flow of films, television programs and music, as well as structural inequalities of cultural production, was widely witnessed in Korea. 电影，电视节目和音乐的不平等流通，如同文化产品的结构性不平衡一样，在韩国非常常见。 There had been uneven flows or sales and consumption of various imported television programs and films.流通或销售以及各种进口的电视节目和电影的消费是不均匀的。 On the production, sales and flow side, there was an asymmetrical interdependence, in which Korea imported more culture from the US than it sold to the US. 在生产、销售和流通方面，有一个不对称的相互依存关系，韩国从美国进口的文化产品，比销往美国的要多。 In particular, the market share of foreign television programs in the Korean broadcasting industry grew in the early 1990s. 特别是在20世纪90年代初，韩国广播业的外国电视节目的市场份额在增长。 Foreign television programs existed in Korea before the early 1990s; 外国的电视节目在20世纪90年代初之前就在韩国存在; however, they were relatively rare compared to foreign films because the Korean government restricted foreign television programs through a program quota system. 然而，相比之下外国电影在韩国是比较少见的，因为韩国政府通过计划配额制度限制了外国电视节目。The importing of foreign television programs began to increase after the government eased the quota system in the early 1990s. 在20世纪90年代初，政府放宽了配额制度后，外国电视节目的进口开始增加。Imports also increased in the domestic broadcasting market until 1996, mainly because of the introduction of new terrestrial and cable television channels. 到1996年，国内广播市场也增加了进口，主要是因为引进了新的地面广播和有线电视频道。Korea, which had only three television channels in the early 1980s, rushed headlong into a multi-channel television era in the 1990s. 韩国，在80年代早期只有三个电视频道，到了90年代，迅猛地冲进一个多频道电视时代。 Twelve new commercial terrestrial broadcasting channels and 153 cable channels were established during the 1990s. 十二个新的商业电视频道和153频道是建立在90年代。 Foreign television programs were supposed to surge into Korean living rooms with the increase in the number of television channels, as in many other countries. 与许多其他国家一样，外国电视节目随着韩国家庭客厅中的电视频道数量的增多而增加。 This forecast was realized during the first few years of the new terrestrial and cable television era, which began in the early 1990s. 在新的地面广播和有线电视的时代，这在20世纪90年代初开始的头几年中实现了这一预测。Total television program imports increased over the previous year by 40.3 percent in 1995 and 49.3 percent in 1996 respectively, by dollar value. 电视节目进口总额由1995年的40.3增加到1996年的49.3，以美元的价值计算。The imported programs were 12,921 units in 1995, as opposed to 8074 units in 1994, mostly from the US (Ha and Yang, 2002: 75). 1995年进口的节目数量是12,921部，而不是1994年的8074部，主要来自美国，（哈，杨，2002：75）。The one-way flow of cultural production from the developed countries, in particular the US, to the developing countries, was apparent in Korea until the mid-1990s. 文化产品从发达国家特别是美国，向发展中国家单向流动，在韩国，直到20世纪90年代中期明显。Reshaping cultural products flow重塑文化产品流The one-way flow of US films and television programs temporarily decreased in Korea between the late 1990s and the early years of the 21st century. After the mid-1990s, Korea reduced foreign audiovisual products in the national cultural market, while increasing its production and exports of domestic cultural products. 美国电影和电视节目的单向流动的暂时减少在韩国20世纪90年代后期和21世纪初的几年间。20世纪90年代中期以后，韩国在国内文化市场上减少外国音像制品的进口，同时提高国内文化产品的生产和出口。 In particular, imports of foreign television programs significantly decreased in the post-1997 economic crisis era. 特别是在1997年后经济危机时代，外国电视节目的进口显着下降。According to the Ministry of Culture and Tourism of Korea (2002a), imported television programs from other countries decreased 70.5 percent by dollar value between 1996 and 2001, from $69.3 million in 1996 to $20.4 million in 2001. 据韩国文化和旅游部（2002a），在1996年和2001年之间，从其他国家进口的电视节目以美元计算价值下降70.5，从1996年的$69.3百万美元，到2001年的20.4百万美元。Cable television companies imports decreased dramatically, reflecting their financial deficits after the 1997 economic crisis. 有线电视公司的进口大幅下降，反映了1997年经济危机后的财政赤字。The total amount of imports of cable television companies decreased 91.8 percent in the same period, compared to 47.4 percent for terrestrial television channels (Ministry of Culture and Tourism, 2002b:12). 有线电视公司的进口总额同期下降91.8，地面电视为47.4（文化和旅游部，2002年b:1-2）。There are several significant causes for the decrease in television program imports, including the 1997 economic crisis and the increase in the number of domestic program producers. 在电视节目的进口下降的重要原因有几个，其中包括1997年的经济危机和国内节目制作数量的增加。The 1997 economic crisis influenced the popular cultural market as well as the financial markets because the broadcasting industry needed to cut down on foreign television programs due to budget cuts (Jin, forthcoming). 1997年经济危机影响的流行文化市场以及金融市场，由于削减预算，广播业需要减少对外国的电视节目进口（金，即将出版）。Broadcasting companies had no choice but to take cost-cutting measures as dwindling advertising revenues put them in financial trouble. 广播公司别无选择，只能采取削减成本的措施，作为日益减少的广告收入，他们陷入财务困境。Forced to trim costs, three terrestrial broadcasting companies KBS, MBC and SBS reduced broadcasting airtime by two hours in January 1998 while also reducing their foreign program imports (Kwak, 1998). 被迫削减成本，3个地面广播公司 - KBS，MBC和SBS - 在1998年1月减少了两个小时的广播，同时也减少了其进口外国节目（郭某，1998年）。The total units of imported television programs in 2001, therefore, were 4581, about one-third of the number in 1995 (Ministry of Culture and Tourism, 2002b). 因此，在2001年总进口的电视节目的数量为4581，约占1995年数量的三分之一（文化和旅游部，2002年b）。 Meanw