美国的太平洋世纪 America27s Pacific Century

AmericasPacificCentury美国的太平洋世纪Op-EdbyU.S.SecretaryofStateHillaryRodhamClinton美国国务卿希拉里克林顿ThefutureofpoliticswillbedecidedinAsia,notAfghanistanorIraq,andtheUnitedStateswillberightatthecenteroftheaction.未来的政治将决定于亚洲，而不是阿富汗或伊拉克。美国将置身于行动的中心。AsthewarinIraqwindsdownandAmericabeginstowithdrawitsforcesfromAfghanistan,theUnitedStatesstandsatapivotpoint.Overthelast10years,wehaveallocatedimmenseresourcestothosetwotheaters.Inthenext10years,weneedtobesmartandsystematicaboutwhereweinvesttimeandenergy,sothatweputourselvesinthebestpositiontosustainourleadership,secureourinterests,andadvanceourvalues.OneofthemostimportanttasksofAmericanstatecraftoverthenextdecadewillthereforebetolockinasubstantiallyincreasedinvestmentdiplomatic,economic,strategic,andotherwiseintheAsia-Pacificregion.随着伊拉克战争接近尾声以及美国开始从阿富汗撤军，美国现在处于一个转折点。在过去10年中，我们向上述两个战区投入了巨大的资源。在今后10年中，我们对在哪里投入时间和精力需要做到灵活并有系统性，从而让我们自己处于最有利的地位，以保持我们的领导作用，保障我们的利益，推进我们的价值观。因此，今后10年美国外交方略的最重要的使命之一将是把大幅增加的投入在外交、经济、战略和其他方面锁定于亚太地区。TheAsia-Pacifichasbecomeakeydriverofglobalpolitics.StretchingfromtheIndiansubcontinenttothewesternshoresoftheAmericas,theregionspanstwooceansthePacificandtheIndianthatareincreasinglylinkedbyshippingandstrategy.Itboastsalmosthalftheworldspopulation.Itincludesmanyofthekeyenginesoftheglobaleconomy,aswellasthelargestemittersofgreenhousegases.ItishometoseveralofourkeyalliesandimportantemergingpowerslikeChina,India,andIndonesia.亚太地区已成为全球政治的一个关键的驱动力。这个地区从印度次大陆一直延伸到美洲西海岸，横跨太平洋和印度洋两个大洋，由于交通运输和战略因素而日益紧密地联系在一起。亚太地区的人口几乎占到世界总人口的一半。这个地区拥有很多全球经济的重要引擎，也有最大的温室气体排放国。该地区有我们的一些重要盟国，还有中国、印度和印度尼西亚等重要的新兴强国。Atatimewhentheregionisbuildingamorematuresecurityandeconomicarchitecturetopromotestabilityandprosperity,U.S.commitmentthereisessential.ItwillhelpbuildthatarchitectureandpaydividendsforcontinuedAmericanleadershipwellintothiscentury,justasourpost-WorldWarIIcommitmenttobuildingacomprehensiveandlastingtransatlanticnetworkofinstitutionsandrelationshipshaspaidoffmanytimesoverandcontinuestodoso.ThetimehascomefortheUnitedStatestomakesimilarinvestmentsasaPacificpower,astrategiccoursesetbyPresidentBarackObamafromtheoutsetofhisadministrationandonethatisalreadyyieldingbenefits.在亚太地区建设一个更成熟的安全和经济架构以增进稳定和繁荣之时，美国对这个地区的承诺至关重要。这将有助于建立起上述架构，同时使美国受益，让我们在整个世纪继续发挥领导作用，正如我国在二战过后致力于建立一个全面、持久的跨大西洋的机构和关系网络的努力已获得多倍收益，而且我们还在继续受益。现在正是美国作为一个太平洋大国作出同样投入的时候，这条战略路线是巴拉克奥巴马总统在本届政府就任之初便确定的，现在已经产生效益。WithIraqandAfghanistanstillintransitionandseriouseconomicchallengesinourowncountry,therearethoseontheAmericanpoliticalscenewhoarecallingforusnottoreposition,buttocomehome.Theyseekadownsizingofourforeignengagementinfavorofourpressingdomesticpriorities.Theseimpulsesareunderstandable,buttheyaremisguided.Thosewhosaythatwecannolongeraffordtoengagewiththeworldhaveitexactlybackwardwecannotaffordnotto.FromopeningnewmarketsforAmericanbusinessestocurbingnuclearproliferationtokeepingthesealanesfreeforcommerceandnavigation,ourworkabroadholdsthekeytoourprosperityandsecurityathome.Formorethansixdecades,theUnitedStateshasresistedthegravitationalpullofthese“comehome”debatesandtheimplicitzero-sumlogicofthesearguments.Wemustdosoagain.由于伊拉克和阿富汗仍处于过渡时期，我们本国也面临着严重的经济挑战，美国政坛上有些人叫我们不要重新定位，而是掉头回家。他们寻求减少我们的国外参与，主张优先解决紧迫的国内问题。这些冲动是可以理解的，但也是受到误导的。那些说我们不能再继续参与全球事务的人完全是本末倒置不参与的后果远非我们所能承受。从为美国企业打开新市场到遏制核扩散，再到保持商务和航运的自由通行，我们在国外的工作正是我们国内繁荣和安全的关键所在。60多年来，美国顶住了此类“回家”论调的牵引力和这些论点所隐含的零和逻辑。我们必须再次这样做。Beyondourborders,peoplearealsowonderingaboutAmericasintentionsourwillingnesstoremainengagedandtolead.InAsia,theyaskwhetherwearereallytheretostay,whetherwearelikelytobedistractedagainbyeventselsewhere,whetherwecanmakeandkeepcredibleeconomicandstrategiccommitments,andwhetherwecanbackthosecommitmentswithaction.Theansweris:Wecan,andwewill.在我们的边界之外，人们也在揣测美国的意图，不知道我们是否愿意继续参与并发挥领导作用。在亚洲，他们问我们是否真的会长期驻留，我们是否有可能再次因别处发生的事件而转移注意力，我们是否能够作出并保持可信的经济和战略承诺，以及我们是否能够以行动来落实这些承诺。答案是：我们能够而且一定会这样做。HarnessingAsiasgrowthanddynamismiscentraltoAmericaneconomicandstrategicinterestsandakeypriorityforPresidentObama.OpenmarketsinAsiaprovidetheUnitedStateswithunprecedentedopportunitiesforinvestment,trade,andaccesstocutting-edgetechnology.OureconomicrecoveryathomewilldependonexportsandtheabilityofAmericanfirmstotapintothevastandgrowingconsumerbaseofAsia.Strategically,maintainingpeaceandsecurityacrosstheAsia-Pacificisincreasinglycrucialtoglobalprogress,whetherthroughdefendingfreedomofnavigationintheSouthChinaSea,counteringtheproliferationeffortsofNorthKorea,orensuringtransparencyinthemilitaryactivitiesoftheregionskeyplayers.利用亚洲的增长和活力是美国的经济和战略利益的核心，也是奥巴马总统确定的一项首要任务。亚洲开放的市场为美国进行投资、贸易及获取尖端技术提供了前所未有的机遇。我国国内的经济复苏将取决于出口和美国公司开发亚洲广阔和不断增长的消费基群的能力。在战略上，无论是通过捍卫南中国海的航行自由、应对北韩的扩散问题还是确保该地区主要国家的军事活动的透明度，保障整个亚太地区的和平与安全对全球的发展越来越至关重要。JustasAsiaiscriticaltoAmericasfuture,anengagedAmericaisvitaltoAsiasfuture.Theregioniseagerforourleadershipandourbusinessperhapsmoresothanatanytimeinmodernhistory.Wearetheonlypowerwithanetworkofstrongalliancesintheregion,noterritorialambitions,andalongrecordofprovidingforthecommongood.Alongwithourallies,wehaveunderwrittenregionalsecurityfordecadespatrollingAsiassealanesandpreservingstabilityandthatinturnhashelpedcreatetheconditionsforgrowth.Wehavehelpedintegratebillionsofpeopleacrosstheregionintotheglobaleconomybyspurringeconomicproductivity,socialempowerment,andgreaterpeople-to-peoplelinks.Weareamajortradeandinvestmentpartner,asourceofinnovationthatbenefitsworkersandbusinessesonbothsidesofthePacific,ahostto350,000Asianstudentseveryyear,achampionofopenmarkets,andanadvocateforuniversalhumanrights.正如亚洲对美国的未来极其重要一样，一个积极参与的美国对亚洲的未来也极其重要。该地区渴求我们的领导作用和我们的商业贸易也许比现代史上任何时期都更迫切。我们是在该地区拥有一个强大的联盟网络的唯一大国，没有领土方面的野心，却有维护共同利益的长期业绩。与我们的盟友一起，我们几十年来保障了地区安全在亚洲的海上航道巡逻并维护稳定这反过来又帮助创造了经济增长的条件。我们通过刺激经济生产力、 增进社会权益及扩大人民与人民之间的联系，已经帮助整个地区数十亿人融入全球经济。我们是一个主要的贸易和投资伙伴、让太平洋两岸的工人和企业受益的创新源泉、每年接待35万亚洲学生的东道国、以及开放市场的先行者和普世人权的倡导者。President Obama has led a multifaceted and persistent effort to embrace fully our irreplaceable role in the Pacific, spanning the entire U.S. government. It has often been a quiet effort. A lot of our work has not been on the front pages, both because of its nature long-term investment is less exciting than immediate crises and because of competing headlines in other parts of the world.奥巴马总统在整个美国政府部门领导了一项多方面的、坚持不懈的努力，充分支持我们在太平洋地区不可替代的作用。这常常是一种默默无闻的努力。我们的很多工作并没有成为头版新闻，不仅因为工作的性质长期投资不如眼前的危机更引人注目还因为世界其他地区不断爆出头条新闻。As secretary of state, I broke with tradition and embarked on my first official overseas trip to Asia. In my seven trips since, I have had the privilege to see firsthand the rapid transformations taking place in the region, underscoring how much the future of the United States is intimately intertwined with the future of the Asia-Pacific. A strategic turn to the region fits logically into our overall global effort to secure and sustain Americas global leadership. The success of this turn requires maintaining and advancing a bipartisan consensus on the importance of the Asia-Pacific to our national interests; we seek to build upon a strong tradition of engagement by presidents and secretaries of state of both parties across many decades. It also requires smart execution of a coherent regional strategy that accounts for the global implications of our choices.作为国务卿，我打破传统，在首次正式出国访问时便前往亚洲。在随后的七次行程中，我有幸亲眼看到该地区发生的迅速转变，突显了美国的未来与亚太地区的未来是多么紧密地交织在一起。从战略上转向该地区，在理念上与我们保障和保持美国的全球领导力的总体努力一致。这一转变的成功要求两党必须保持并增进关于亚太地区对我们国家利益的重要意义的共识；我们寻求发扬几十年来两党历届总统和国务卿所开创的参与世界事务的深厚传统。这还要求必须明智地推行一项连贯一致并能兼顾我们各项决策的全球性影响的区域战略。What does that regional strategy look like? For starters, it calls for a sustained commitment to what I have called “forward-deployed” diplomacy. That means continuing to dispatch the full range of our diplomatic assets including our highest-ranking officials, our development experts, our interagency teams, and our permanent assets to every country and corner of the Asia-Pacific region. Our strategy will have to keep accounting for and adapting to the rapid and dramatic shifts playing out across Asia. With this in mind, our work will proceed along six key lines of action: strengthening bilateral security alliances; deepening our working relationships with emerging powers, including with China; engaging with regional multilateral institutions; expanding trade and investment; forging a broad-based military presence; and advancing democracy and human rights.这种区域战略是个什么样子？首先，它要求长期地致力于我所说的“前沿部署”（forward-deployed)外交。这意味着继续把我们的各种外交资源包括我们最高级别的官员、我们的发展专家、我们的跨部门团队和我们的永久资产分派到亚太地区的每个国家和每个角落。我们的战略必须顾及并适应在亚洲各地不断出现的迅速和显著的变化。鉴于这一点，我们的工作将遵循六个关键的行动方针：加强双边安全联盟；深化我们与新兴大国的工作关系，其中包括中国；参与区域性多边机构；扩大贸易和投资；打造一种有广泛基础的军事存在；促进民主和人权。By virtue of our unique geography, the United States is both an Atlantic and a Pacific power. We are proud of our European partnerships and all that they deliver. Our challenge now is to build a web of partnerships and institutions across the Pacific that is as durable and as consistent with American interests and values as the web we have built across the Atlantic. That is the touchstone of our efforts in all these areas.由于我们独一无二的地理特点，美国既是大西洋国家，也是太平洋大国。我们对与欧洲的伙伴关系及其一切成果感到自豪。我们现在的挑战是建立跨太平洋的伙伴关系和机构网，使之与我们的跨大西洋网络一样持久，并与美国的利益和价值观一致。对于我们在所有这些方面的努力，这是一个试金石。Our treaty alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, the Philippines, and Thailand are the fulcrum for our strategic turn to the Asia-Pacific. They have underwritten regional peace and security for more than half a century, shaping the environment for the regions remarkable economic ascent. They leverage our regional presence and enhance our regional leadership at a time of evolving security challenges.我们与日本、韩国、澳大利亚、菲律宾和泰国的条约联盟是我们转向亚太战略的支点。这些联盟已经确保了半个多世纪的地区和平与安全，为该地区引人注目的经济崛起构建了有利的环境。在安全挑战不断演变之际，它们充分利用我们的地区存在，增强我们的地区领导力。As successful as these alliances have been, we cant afford simply to sustain them we need to update them for a changing world. In this effort, the Obama administration is guided by three core principles. First, we have to maintain political consensus on the core objectives of our alliances. Second, we have to ensure that our alliances are nimble and adaptive so that they can successfully address new challenges and seize new opportunities. Third, we have to guarantee that the defense capabilities and communications infrastructure of our alliances are operationally and materially capable of deterring provocation from the full spectrum of state and nonstate actors.尽管这些联盟非常成功，但我们不能仅满足于维持这种关系，而需要不断更新以适应日新月异的世界。在这方面，奥巴马政府以三项核心原则为指引。首先，我们必须在我们联盟的核心目标上保持政治共识。其次，我们必须确保我们的联盟具有灵活性和适应能力，以便成功应对新的挑战和把握新的机遇。第三，我们必须保证我们联盟的防御能力和通讯基础设施在运作上和物质上能够切实阻遏各种各样的国家和非国家实体的挑衅。The alliance with Japan, the cornerstone of peace and stability in the region, demonstrates how the Obama administration is giving these principles life. We share a common vision of a stable regional order with clear rules of the road from freedom of navigation to open markets and fair competition. We have agreed to a new arrangement, including a contribution from the Japanese government of more than $5 billion, to ensure the continued enduring presence of American forces in Japan, while expanding joint intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance activities to deter and react quickly to regional security challenges, as well as information sharing to address cyberthreats. We have concluded an Open Skies agreement that will enhance access for businesses and people-to-people ties, launched a strategic dialogue on the Asia-Pacific, and been working hand in hand as the two largest donor countries in Afghanistan.与日本的联盟是该地区和平与稳定的基石，它表明奥巴马政府如何贯彻这些原则。从航行自由到开放市场和公平竞争，我们对稳定的地区秩序和清晰的通行规则怀有共同的愿景。我们已达成一项新的约定，其内容包括由日本政府出资50多亿美元，以确保美国军队长久驻防日本，同时扩大联合的情报、监测和侦察活动，从而阻遏对地区安全的挑战并迅速作出反应，以及共享情报以应对网络安全威胁。我们已缔结开放天空协定，用以增进企业接触和民众联系；启动关于亚太事务的战略对话，并作为阿富汗的两个最大捐助国携手合作。Similarly, our alliance with South Korea has become stronger and more operationally integrated, and we continue to develop our combined capabilities to deter and respond to North Korean provocations. We have agreed on a plan to ensure successful transition of operational control during wartime and anticipate successful passage of the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement. And our alliance has gone global, through our work together in the G-20 and the Nuclear Security Summit and through our common efforts in Haiti and Afghanistan.同样，我们与韩国的联盟正在加强，操作上越来越一体化，并且继续发展两国的联合能力，以阻遏和应对北韩的挑衅。我们已就一项计划达成协议，确保操作控制权在战时成功过渡，并预期韩美自由贸易协定（Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement）将获顺利通过。通过我们在20国集团（G-20）与核安全峰会（Nuclear Security Summit）的合作，以及我们在海地和阿富汗的共同行动，我们的联盟已走向全球化。We are also expanding our alliance with Australia from a Pacific partnership to an Indo-Pacific one, and indeed a global partnership. From cybersecurity to Afghanistan to the Arab Awakening to strengthening regional architecture in the Asia-Pacific, Australias counsel and commitment have been indispensable. And in Southeast Asia, we are renewing and strengthening our alliances with the Philippines and Thailand, increasing, for example, the number of ship visits to the Philippines and working to ensure the successful training of Filipino counterterrorism forces through our Joint Special Operations Task Force in Mindanao. In Thailand our oldest treaty partner in Asia we are working to establish a hub of regional humanitarian and disaster relief efforts in the region.我们也在扩大与澳大利亚的联盟，把我们的关系从一种太平洋伙伴关系扩展到跨越印度洋和太平洋的伙伴关系，实际上，这已经是全球性的伙伴关系。从网络安全到阿富汗，从阿拉伯觉醒到加强亚太的地区架构，澳大利亚的建议和投入都是不可或缺的。在东南亚，我们正在续延和加强与菲律宾和泰国的联盟，例如增加舰船到访菲律宾的次数，通过我们在棉兰老岛（Mindanao）的联合特别行动队（Joint Special Operations Task Force）确保成功训练菲律宾反恐部队。在我们历史最悠久的亚洲条约伙伴泰国，我们正努力建立太平洋地区的区域人道主义和赈灾活动中枢。As we update our alliances for new demands, we are also building new partnerships to help solve shared problems. Our outreach to China, India, Indonesia, Singapore, New Zealand, Malaysia, Mongolia, Vietnam, Brunei, and the Pacific Island countries is all part of a broader effort to ensure a more comprehensive approach to American strategy and engagement in the region. We are asking these emerging partners to join us in shaping and participating in a rules-based regional and global order.在根据新的需要更新联盟关系的同时，我们也在建立新的伙伴关系以解决共同面临的问题。我们主动扩展与中国、印度、印度尼西亚、新加坡、新西兰、马来西亚、蒙古、越南、文莱和太平洋岛国的关系，这些都是更广泛的努力的一部分，旨在确保美国在该地区奉行更全面的战略和参与。我们正邀请这些新伙伴与我们一起构建一套基于规则的区域及全球秩序并参与其中。One of the most prominent of these emerging partners is, of course, China. Like so many other countries before it, China has prospered as part of the open and rules-based system that the United States helped to build and works to sustain. And today, China represents one of the most challenging and consequential bilateral relationships the United States has ever had to manage. This calls for careful, steady, dynamic stewardship, an approach to China on our part that is grounded in reality, focused on results, and true to our principles and interests.当然，这些新伙伴中最引人瞩目的国家之一是中国。与以往获得发展的许多国家一样，作为美国帮助建立和努力维续的基于规则的开放系统的组成部份，中国也实现了繁荣发展。今天，与中国的关系是美国有史以来必须管理的最具挑战性和影响最大的双边关系之一，需要进行审慎、稳定、动态的管理。我们对中国的方针是立足现实，注重成效，忠实于我们的原则和利益。We all know that fears and misperceptions linger on both sides of the Pacific. Some in our country see Chinas progress as a threat to the United States; some in China worry that America seeks to constrain Chinas growth. We reject both those views. The fact is that a thriving America is good for China and a thriving China is good for America. We both have much more to gain from cooperation than from conflict. But you cannot build a relationship on aspirations alone. It is up to both of us to more consistently translate positive words into effective cooperation and, crucially, to meet our respective global responsibilities and obligations. These are the things that will determine whether our relationship delivers on its potential in the years to come. We also have to be honest about our differences. We will address them firmly and decisively as we pursue the urgent work we have to do together. And we have to avoid unrealistic expectations.众所周知，担忧和误解仍然在太平洋两岸徘徊不去。我们国内的一些人把中国的进步视为对美国的威胁；而在中国的一些人担心美国会试图遏制中国的发展。我们反对上述两种观点。事实是，一个欣欣向荣的美国对中国有利；一个欣欣向荣的中国也对美国有利。通过合作而不是对抗，我们两国均能显著获益。但是，不能仅靠愿望来建设两国关系。它需要我们双方更加始终如一地把积极的言词转化成有效的合作，而且更关键的是，我们必须履行各自的全球责任与义务。今后我们之间的关系是否能发挥潜能正是取决于这些因素。我们也必须坦诚对待我们之间的分歧。在我们从事我们必须为之共同努力的紧迫工作时，我们将坚定并果断地解决这些问题。同时，我们也必须避免那些不切实际的期望。Over the last two-and-a-half years, one of my top priorities has been to identify and expand areas of common interest, to work with China to build mutual trust, and to encourage Chinas active efforts in global problem-solving. This is why Treasury Secretary Timothy Geithner and I launched the Strategic and Economic Dialogue, the most intensive and expansive talks ever between our governments, bringing together dozens of agencies from both sides to discuss our most pressing bilateral issues, from security to energy to human rights.在最近的两年半中，我的重点工作之一是确定并扩大我们两国具有共同利益的领域，与中国一起努力建立互信，并鼓励中国在解决全球性难题时采取积极行动。这也是财政部长盖特纳（Timothy Geithner）和我启动两国间战略与经济对话（Strategic and Economic Dialogue）的原因，这一对话把两国的数十个机构汇集到一起，磋商最为紧迫的双边问题，包括安全、能源和人权问题在内，是两国政府间迄今最具深度与广度的对话。We are also working to increase transparency and reduce the risk of miscalculation or miscues between our militaries. The United States and the international community have watched Chinas efforts to modernize and expand its military, and we have sought clarity as to its intentions. Both sides would benefit from sustained and substantive military-to-military engagement that increases transp