英文文献和翻译 荷兰的城市圈发展

1、外文翻译：荷兰的城市圈发展原文来源： bart lambregts，global city-region ambitions in the netherlands，otb research institute for housing, urban and mobility studies,delft university of technology, delft, the netherlands （p2-p6）译文正文：2城市圈的概念斯科特等人认为，（2001年），世界的城市区域共同构成的网络结构的原则在新兴的多层次的（相互作用）的政治和经济体制层次的地理基础占有重要地位。城市区域的观察，因为

2、这是取得积极主动地建立在国家和国际政治和经济领域越来越多，失业和其他基本空间单位和全球经济的区域发动机的政治行动者的重要性。相对于全球城市的概念（沙森，1991年），全球城市区域为两极各以一个或多个中央都会区及其周边腹地（斯科特，1998年，第68页）区域经济概念。这种全球城市区域的典型例子包括大纽约（甚至延伸从波士顿到费城），洛杉矶，圣迭戈，蒂华纳地区，大伦敦/东南英格兰，东京，名古屋，大阪，法国法兰西岛（巴黎）和荷兰任仕达。但是新的城市圈，如上海，珠江三角洲，曼谷，圣保罗全球城市地区，布宜诺斯艾利斯和开罗也被忽视了（斯科特，1998年;斯科特等人。，2001年，又见西蒙兹和哈克，2000年

3、）。每个城市区域在其作为新的全球经济，必须被视为是对联络的专业化，但补充形式的复杂联络看作一个经济区域运动能力，连同大量的、多方面的当地劳动力市场，强大的经济集聚的场所和报酬递增的效果（斯科特，1998年，第68页）。此外，由于合并结果也成为地方和区域当局越来越认识 这与各城市和地区在全球经济如果资源进行竞争，任务进行重新分配，各个层次的责任政府，地方和区域当局越来越压制或诱惑，选择了与被动屈从外部跨境压力，或活跃的机构建设和政策制定，努力使全球化的威胁和机遇（斯科特等人，2001）。因此，越来越多的案件在当地和地区铝当局和在经济发展（商业利益，有时其他主要行动者，雇主协会，发展商）已开始制定

4、一项在全区域建立联盟利益为依归，以具体的区域开发或政治目标（见基廷1997年，2001年;卡马尼，2001年）。3全球城市区域一体化是政治行动者一种部分并行交织发展的一系列谎言和在全球城市区域现象的基础。据史考特等。 （2001年），作为领土领域的地区死灰复燃适合经济和政治组织是由传统体制和层次全球化进程施加压力的结果之一。在传统的民族国家转型是作为一个重要的背景因素。民族国家，而其余的当代经济和政治秩序的重点单位（见也罗德里格斯姿，1998年，在tomaney沃德，2000年引， 475-476），不享受同样的政治和经济自主程度半个世纪前左右。许多国家之间的边界在相当多的许多方面不明确等功能

5、，作为经济，社会和金融活动日益增加的大量现在发生在广泛的跨国网络（关键，全球化的特征之一）。此外（和与此有关的）许多国家都致力于经济或政治框架较大，超国家组织和机构如世界贸易组织（前身为关贸总协定），经合组织，欧盟，北美自由贸易协定，东盟，南方共同市场等等。他们交给或正在分享瓦特这些组织和机构的第多个任务和责任。正是在这种背景下，根据斯科特等人。 （2001年），各国，各国开始认识到，他们能够越来越差，可能不太愿意要成为来保护在其久里管辖权的所有区域和部门利益（同上，第13页）。在民族国家内的区域平衡发展的政策开始失去其吸引力多，相当多的一些国家政府开始转移的任务和责任到地区和地方当局。结果，

6、地方和区域行动者越来越多找出什么是越来越被视为他们自己的一个不断扩大竞争的舞台。他们以确定它们是否会屈从于外部跨境压力，被动地，或在另一方面，将决定积极参与在努力使全球化尽可能对他们有利（同上，第14页体制建设和政策制定）。如果这种选择是，这里也是当地和区域政府和其他关键，演戏的人，真令和努力，为区域范围的联盟和合作的框架搜索，我们现在看到的作为在政治行动者，例如地区合并世界舞台。据斯科特和他的同事们，这一趋势最明显的表现，发现在一些全球性大型城市地区，因为他们在整个20年坚持和进一步作为经济行为主体在相互接近，随之而来的经济生产力，性能和创新优势，寻找最喜欢的栖息地发展。4全球城市区域一体化

7、是全球经济的发动机虽然上述阐述如何全球城市区域有可能成为一个重要的政治和体制层，它没有解释为什么全球城市的地区是（想成为）新的全球经济发动机。为了澄清这一论点的一部分，斯科特等人。（2001年）将要承担的，认为只要是由斯科特在他的著作地区和世界经济（1998）身体各部。他们认为，任何当代先进的经济制度是家庭的经济活动基本上有两个不同类型，其中每一个正在有组织，有显着不同的方式被网络上不同形状的依赖关系。由于这一结果，这两种表达不同的位置偏好：一种是通过在全球富裕城市之一，而其他地区的聚类相对不敏感这类群（斯科特等人的具体资产。2001年，页15-18）。这两个撰文指经济活动的基本类型是经济活动

8、高度一方面制约，而且通常不是在其他制约经济活动。前者是与生产活动涉及相对良好的编纂形式的知识和生产相对规范的模式和完善与市场相对稳定。在这种情况下，生产所需的投入和计划可以提前在大尺度相当良好，并分别进行抢修购买。这开辟了可能带来的材料或运出相对廉价的产品和在较大距离，在正常情况下，限制代理人之间复杂的沟通结果的需要，网络的一部分，这种公司往往是相当僵硬，和公司区位决定因素更可能取决于诸如存在便宜（非技术）劳工，廉价的土地或税收和比对监管环境，自然需要上市，预计到毗邻功能相关的公司。然而，对于经济生产的非常规种，后者更为重要。通过对经济生产非常规种是指生产者和服务的行业，在这是由不确定性高层次

9、市场的运作特点。这些，例如，在生产技术市场发展迅速，其中对产品的需求变化很大了时间和客户的客户。罪恶行政长官在1970年代初 - 即当经济环境动荡的综合影响（25年后的相对稳定），由电脑化使生产流程和更广泛的产品种类（供给和需求驱动的搜索）起步迈向更灵活的方式对经济生产和组织这些条件的转变，已成为真正的一个经济部门越来越多，包括如高科技产业，文化产品和多媒体产业和多种今天的前级部门的许多专业服务行业。企业在这种环境中运作的普遍被迫组织生产和维持与供应商的投入（包括员工）和一种更为灵活的方式，客户的关系。比所涉及的生产相当常规，在不确定环境下生产者必须准备改变和重组，以及设备和劳动力市场变化的监

10、测往往是一天到一天的基础上，（斯科特等公司强劲基地，2001年，第16页）。对于他们的行动，他们需要有良好的访问多种类型的信息，技能和资源。复杂的问题，那就是把这个资料关键部件往往很难编纂，并通过面对面的互动很多情况下其实只是转移。总之，这种灵活的生产系统，可说是相当的密集而且很容易受到外部因素影响。这种经济行为主体的维持非标准化互动的，密集的模式提供了一个强有力的密集他们寻求相互接近。毕竟，而在通讯技术的迅速发展，电信和信息技术确实导致了多种交易成本大幅下降，但交易成本涉及面对面接触的部分仍然相对较高，而最重要的是，倾向于随着距离的增加而增加。对外部易感性另一方面，提供奖励，以寻求特别是在大

11、城市地区的相互接近，因为这些都是环境，生产等许多外部因素。总之，合作，在大城市或城市中的全球城市区域的存在使这些企业的管理与供应商和客户之间的关系更有效率，能够广泛利用劳动和经验市场，并相对容易获得的有用信息，并在正式和非正式的有关商业和其他各界的许多种类型分发。此外，由于全球城市区域往往也可作为重要的在全球运输和通讯网络设备完善的节点，给予他们良好的居民进入世界市场和其他重要场所。这些因素将为公司的生产效率，性能和创新能力做出积极的贡献，这将为这个城市的竞争力和他们的地区经济的增加动力。所以，全球城市区域一体化是全球经济的发动机，是现在城市发展的趋势。global city-region a

12、mbitions in the netherlands :from randstad to deltametropolisauthor: bart lambregtsinstitute: otb research institute for housing, urban and mobility studies,delft university of technology, delft, the netherlandse-mail: lambregtsotb.tudelft.nl（p2-p6）2. the concept of global city-regionsin the view of

13、 scott et al. (2001), the worlds global city-regions together constitute one of the principle structural networks lying at the geographic base of the newly emerging multi-level hierarchy of (interacting) political and economic institutions. global city-regions are observed to gain importance as poli

14、tical actors that are pro-actively establishing themselves in national and international political and economic arenas and as increasingly fundamental spatial units and regional motors of the global economy. as compared to the global city concept (sassen, 1991), global city-regions are conceptualise

15、d as polarised regional economies each consisting of one or more central metropolitan areas and their surrounding hinterlands (scott, 1998, p. 68). typical examples of such global city-regions include greater new york (perhaps even stretching from boston to philadelphia), the los angeles-san diego-t

16、ijuana area,greater london/southeast england, tokyo-nagoya-osaka, le de france (greater paris)and the dutch randstad. however, emerging global city regions such as shanghai,pearl river delta, bangkok, so paulo, buenos aires and cairo should be reckoned with as well (scott, 1998; scott et al., 2001;

17、see also simmonds and hack, 2000). each global city-region in its capacity as a regional motor of the new global economy must be viewed as being the site of intricate networks of specialized but complementary forms of economic activity, together with large, multifaceted local labor markets, and as a

18、 locus of powerful agglomeration economies and increasing return effects (scott, 1998, p. 68). in addition, as a combined result of a) the growing awareness also among local and regional authorities that cities and regions compete with each other for r esources in the global economy, and b) the ongo

19、ing redistribution of tasks and responsibilities between various tiers of government, local and regional authorities are increasingly pressed or tempted to chose between passive subjection to external cross-border pressures, or active institution-building and policy-making in an effort to make the b

20、est of the threats and opportunities of globalisation (scott et al.,2001). as a consequence, in more and more cases local and regional authorities and sometimes also other key actors with an interest in economic development (e.g.chambers of commerce, employers associations, developers) have started

21、to develop an interest in region-wide coalition building geared to specific regional development and/or political objectives (cf. keating, 1997, 2001; camagni, 2001).global city-regions as political actorsa series of partly parallel and interwoven developments lie at basis of the global city-region

22、phenomenon. according to scott et al. (2001), the resurgence of regions as territorial spheres well suited to economic and political organisation is one of the outcomes of the pressures exerted by the globalisation process on traditional institutions and hierarchies. the transformation of the tradit

23、ional nation state is presented as a key background element. nation states, while remaining key units of the contemporary economic and political order (see also rodriguez-pose, 1998, cited in tomaney & ward, 2000, pp. 475-476), do not enjoy the same degree of political and economic autonomy as half

24、a century ago or so. many borders between nations in quite a number of respects do not function so clearly as such anymore, as ever-increasing amounts of economic, social and monetary activity now occur in extensive cross-national networks (one of the key-features of globalisation). in addition (and

25、 in connection with it) many countries have committed themselves to the economic and/or political frameworks of larger, supranational organisations and bodies (e.g. the wto (formerly gatt), the oecd, the eu, nafta, asean, mercosur and so on). they have handed over to or are now sharing with these or

26、ganisations and bodies several tasks and responsibilities. it is against this background, according to scott et al. (2001), that nations states started to realise that they were becoming less able and perhaps should become less willing to protect all the regional and sectional interests within their

27、 juri sdictions (ibid., p. 13). policies aimed at balancing regional development within nation states started to lose much of their appeal and quite a number of national governments started to transfer tasks and responsibilities down to regional and local authorities as a result, local and regional

28、actors were increasingly finding themselveson their own in what was increasingly perceived as a continuously expandingcompetitive arena. they had to determine whether they would submit to external cross-border pressures passively, or, on the other hand, would decide to engage actively in institution

29、-building and policy-making in an effort to turn globalisation as far as possible to their benefit (ibid., p. 14). where this choice was made and where local and regional governments and other key-actors did really make and effort to search for region-wide coalitions and frameworks for co-operation,

30、 we are now witness to the consolidation of such regions as political actors on the world stage. according to scott and his colleagues, the clearest expression of this tendency is found in certain large global city-regions as they throughout the decades persisted and further developed as the favouri

31、te habitat of economic agents in search for mutual proximity and the concomitant economic productivity, performance and innovation advantages.global city-regions as motors of the global economywhile the above elucidates how global city-regions could emerge as a critical political and institutional t

32、ier, it does not explain why global city-regions are the (would-be) motors of the new global economy. to clarify this part of the argument, scott et al. (2001) bring to bear much of the body of thought that was developed by scott in his book regions and the world economy (1998). they argue that any

33、contemporary advanced economic system is home to basically two different kinds of economic activities, each of them being organised in a significantly different way and being dependent on differently shaped network relationships. as a consequence of this, both kinds express different location prefer

34、ences: one kind is better off by clustering in global city-regions whereas the other one is relatively insensitive to the specific assets of such agglomerations (scott et al. 2001, p. 15-18).the two basic kinds of economic activities that the authors refer to are economic activities that are highly

35、routinised on the one hand, and economic activities that are typically not routinised on the other. the former is associated with production activities that involve relatively well-codified forms of knowledge and relatively standardized modes of production and that cater to relatively stable markets

36、. in such cases, production and the required inputs can be planned in advance rather well and respectively carried out and purchased at large scales. this opens up the possibility to bring in materials or to ship out products relatively cheaply over large distances and, under normal conditions, rest

37、ricts the need for complex communication between agents.as a result, the networks that such firms are part of are often rather rigid, and firms location decisions are more likely to depend on factors such as the presence of cheap (unskilled) labour, the availability of cheap land or the nature of ta

38、x and regulatory environments than on the need to be located adjacent to functionally related firms.for the non- routinised kinds of economic production, however, the latter is much more important. by non- routinised kinds of economic production are meant those industries and service producers that

39、operate in markets that are characterised by high levels of uncertainty. these are, for example, markets where production technologies develop quickly and where demand for products varies greatly over time and from customer to customer. since the early 1970s that is when the combined effect of desta

40、bilisation of the economic environment (after 25 years of relative stability), destandardisation of production processes (enabled by computerisation) and the search for wider product variety (supply and demand driven) started off a shift towards more flexible modes of economic production and organis

41、ation such conditions have become real for an increasing number of economic sectors, including many of todays front-rank sectors such as high-technology industries, cultural products and multi-media industries and many types of professional service industries. firms that operate in such environments

42、 are generally forced to organise production and maintain relationships with suppliers of input (including employees) and clients in a far more flexible way. much stronger than firms that are involved in fairly routinised kinds of production, producers in uncertain environments must be prepared to c

43、hange and recombine equipment and labor and to monitor shifts in the market, often on a day-to-day basis (scott et al., 2001, p. 16). for their operations, they need to have excellent access to a wide variety of information, skills and resources. complicating the matter is the fact that crucial part

44、s of this information4 are often hardly codified and in many cases transferred through face-to-face interaction only. in addition, the skills and resources required by such firms (e.g. highly skilled labour / knowledge) are often relatively scarce because of their specia lised nature.in sum, such flexible production systems can be described as rather transactions-intensive and highly susceptible to externalities. the dense patterns of non-standardised interaction maintained by s