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DemocraticSovereigntyandthePrerogativeto
MakeMoney:TheCaseoftheFederalReserve
ChristineDesan*
ABSTRACT
ThesurgeofexecutivepowerunleashedbytheSupremeCourthasreachedtheFederalReserve,provokingacrisisthatthejusticesseemsuddenlyanxioustoavoid.Butthedramaislongoverdue.Thecentralbankhasaconstitutionalstaturethatposesadirectchallengetounitaryexecutivetheory,theprincipleanimatingtheCourt’srecentcaselaw.CongressestablishedtheFederalReserveSystemtocarryoutacriticallegislativeprerogative—makingthesovereignmoneysupply.Congressusedaninstitutionalform—nationalbanking—innovatedpreciselytosecuresovereignmoney-makingfromexecutive(originallymonarchical)interference.Congressinturnassignedavitalresponsibility—thecapacitytomakemoneyoutofdebtinthepeople’sname—totheFed.Theconstitutionalconclusionfollows:Congress’sprerogativeovermoney-makingclearlysecurestheFed’sindependencefrompresidentialinterference.ThatconclusionislostincurrentscholarshipthattreatstheFedasfundamentallylikeotherindependentagencies.TheCourthasassumed,similarly,thattheunitaryexecutivepresidesoverarelativelyhomogeneous
*
LeoGottliebProfessorofLaw.HarvardLawSchool.
TheauthorwouldliketothankLarrySchwartzoltogetherwithRoyKreitnerandNadavOrianPeerfor
thevitaldiscussionsthatledtothisarticleandHilaryAllen,NikoBowie,MaryBridges,JohnCoates,BenDinovelli,GeraldEpstein,NoahFeldman,ThomasFerguson,HowellJackson,MarcJarsulic,Michael
Klarman,CharlieKrumholz,JamieMcAndrews,LevMenand,ConradMilhaupt,SashaNatapoff,IgnacioOrellanaGarcia,EmilyReimer,ToddRakoff,MorganRicks,DanRohde,DanTarullo,SusannahTobin,andLarryTribefortheirinsightsandcreativesuggestions.TheauthoralsothanksHayleeLevinand
GurbirSinghforresearchassistance.ThepaperwillappearinVolume21.1oftheHarvardLaw&PolicyReviewandmaynotbecopiedwithoutHarvardLaw&PolicyReview'swrittenpermission.
2
regulatoryfield.ThecaseoftheFedexposestheseparationofpowersasamorecomplicatedproject.Legislaturesbuiltdemocraticsovereigntybystrugglingforprerogativesthat,likemoney-making,protectedtheirlawmakingauthority.TheprerogativesclaimedbyCongressinformtheworkofeachagencyandofficial,includingwithintheexecutivebranch.TheCourtdismantlesdemocraticsovereigntywhenitdeniesthereachofthoseprerogatives.
/10.36687/inetwp247
JELcodes:E42,E58,K23,P16
Keywords:FederalReserve;centralbankindependence;moneycreation;democratic
sovereignty;legislativeprerogative;Congress;unitaryexecutivetheory;separationofpowers;constitutionalpoliticaleconomy;monetaryarchitecture
CONTENTS
INTRODUCTION2
I.THEHISTORY:MONEYANDLEGISLATIVESOVEREIGNTY9
II.MONEY-MAKINGINDEMOCRATICTHEORY20
III.THEJURISPRUDENCEOFCONGRESSIONALAUTHORITYOVERMONEYCREATION29
IV.UNITARYEXECUTIVETHEORYANDTHEFED37
POSTSCRIPT:FROMMONEYTOINFORMATION43
CONCLUSION46
INTRODUCTION
ModerncentralbankingbeganinEnglandasadevicetoleverpowerfromaking’sgraspintoalegislature’shands.1Forcenturies,monarchscontrolledtheprocessthatcreatednewmoneybyconvertingmetalintocointhroughtheroyalmints.2Butmorethan300yearsago,theBritish
Parliamentestablishedanationalbanktocreateanewflowofmoney.Thatflowofmoney—
banknotes—wouldeventuallydwarfthestreamofcoincomingfromthemint.3Andthatwas
exactlythepoint.Parliamentinthatmomentclaimedcontrolovermoneyfromamonarch:bank-mademoneywouldentertheeconomybyarouteParliamentdictatedratherthantheking,whohadcontrolledcoinfromtheroyalmintforcenturies.4
Parliament’sgambitworked.TheBankofEnglandbecameakeyplayerintheconstitutionaldemocracybuiltbytheBritish.5ButParliamentwasnotalone.Againandagain,legislativeactorshavetakencontrolofmoney-makinginordertopryauthorityawayfromexecutiveor
1TheBankofEnglandbeganwasthefirstsustainednationalbankofissue—thatis,abankthatwouldlendtothegovernmentthroughnewlycreatedbankcredit(banknotes).Itwoulddevelopauthoritiesassociatedwithmoderncentralbanksoverthenexttwocenturies.SeeCHARLESGOODHART,THE
EVOLUTIONOFCENTRALBANKS14(1988).
2SeeTheCaseoftheMixedMoney,2Cobbett'sCompleteCollectionofStateTrials114(PrivyCouncilCourt1605)(confirmingmonarch’spowertodeterminecharacterandcontentofcoin).
3SeegenerallyNunoPalma,ReconstructionoftheMoneySupplyOvertheLongRun:theCaseofEngland,1270—1870,71ECON.HIST.REV.373(2017).
4DouglassC.North&BarryR.Weingast,ConstitutionsandCommitment:TheEvolutionofInstitutionsGoverningPublicChoiceinSeventeenth-CenturyEngland,XLIXJ.ECON.HIST.816,821(1989);
CHRISTINEDESAN,MAKINGMONEY:COIN,CURRENCY,ANDTHECOMINGOFCAPITALISM301-320
(2014);seegenerallyinfra
notes43-50.WarfinancedroveParli
ament’sinitiativeandgavethatbodytheleverageitneededtoestablishtheBank.HavingdeposedJamesII,WilliamIIIasnewrulerdesperately
neededtofundsformilitaryexpenses.“WilliamIIIandhisgovernmentfacedtwoalternatives:scalebackthewaragainstLouisXIVastheTorieswishedoradoptthefullradicalimplicationsoftheWhig
understandingofpoliticaleconomy....By1694WilliamwaspreparedtothrowinhislotwiththeWhigs.”STEVENPINCUS,1688:THEFIRSTMODERNREVOLUTION388(YaleUniv.Press,2009).
5See,e.g.,WALTERBAGEHOT,LOMBARDSTREET:ADESCRIPTIONOFTHEMONEYMARKET(JohnWileyandSons,Inc.1873,1999)(describingtheBank’sessentialpublicrole);PatrickK.O’Brien&Nuno
Palma,NotanOrdinaryBankbutaGreatEngineofState:TheBankofEnglandandtheBritishEconomy,1694-1844,76ECON.HIST.REV.305(2023)(documentingroleofBank).
4
4
othercompetingagents.LegislaturesinAmericausedthestrategyundertheBritishEmpire,at
theframingoftheConstitution,duringtheCivilWar,atthefoundingoftheFederalReserve,intheNewDeal.Eachtime,theyclaimedauthorityovermoney-makingtomakerealtheircapacitytoactforthosewhoelectedthem.6
Cuethecurrentmoment.TheTrumpadministrationaimsforcontrolofallthoseofficials
administeringthelaw.ThatincludesofficialsinagenciesdesignedbyCongresstoactwith
independencefromthepolicypreferencesofanygivenpresident.Trump’sargumenttosubvertthatdesignissimple.AccordingtoArticleIIoftheU.S.Constitution,“theexecutivepowershallbevestedinthePresident.”Thatstatementbestows“unitary”authoritytoimplementthelaw.
SofarasCongressreliesonthepresidentto“fillinthedetails”whenapplyingmoregeneral
standards,thatofficialneedsdiscretionandlatitude.7Thatbelongstothepresident,whoistheonlyactoraccountabletoallvoters.Thepresidentmusthavecontroloftheofficialswhoareactingforhim,sohemustbeabletoreplacethemashewishes.
TheSupremeCourthasacceptedTrump’sargumentononeterrainafteranother.8Itnowappearspoisedtooverturna90-yearoldprecedentthatprotectsCongress’sabilitytoinsulate
independentagencyleadershipfromremovalforpurelypartisanreasons.9Theprospect
threatensmethodsofexpertdecision-making,thecontinuityofinstitutionalknowledgeand
practice,andthetraditionofcivilservice—enoughtoalarmanyoneconcernedaboutAmericanruleoflaw.10ButtheCourt’slogicgoesfurther.ItwouldreachtheBoardofGovernorsoftheFederalReserve,threateningthecentralbank’sindependenceinanerasodedicatedtothe
propositionthatithasitsownacronym.CBIhasbecomeaglobalnorm,theaxiomaticbarriertoloosemonetarypolicyandtheparadeofhorriblesthatcouldfollow.11Evenjusticesdedicatedtounitaryexecutivetheoryareuneasyattheoutcome.TheyfloatuncertainexceptionsfortheFedfromthatapproachliketrialballoons.12
6Seeinfranotes
38-87.
7Humphrey’sExecutorv.UnitedStates,295U.S.602(1935)(cleanedup).
8See,e.g.,Trumpv.Wilcox,145S.Ct1415(2025);SeilaL.LLCv.CFPB,140S.Ct.2183(2020);FreeEnterpriseFundv.PublicCompanyAccountingOversightBoard,561U.S.477(2010).
9A1935case,Humphrey’sExecutorv.UnitedStates,295U.S.602(1935),upheldtheconstitutionalityofcommissionsdesignedtoensurepoliticalbalancewithmembersfrombothDemocraticandRepublic
partiesappointedfortermsthatcrossedpresidentialadministrations.Thatholdingisatstakeinthe2025caseTrumpv.Slaughter.606U.S.____(2025).
10See,e.g.,GERALDD.FELDMAN,THEGREATDISORDER:POLITICS,ECONOMICS,ANDSOCIETYINTHEGERMANINFLATION,1914-1924(1993).
11See,e.g.,FormerTreasurySecretaries,FederalReserveBoardChairsandGovernors,Councilof
EconomicAdvisorsChairs,andEconomistsBriefasAmiciCuriaeopposingtheapplicationforastayinTrumpv.Cook(2025).Inanunprecedentedgesture,asetoftheworld’smostinfluentialcentralbankersissuedajointpolicystatementonJanuary13,2026,defendingJeromePowell,ChairoftheU.S.FederalReserve’sBoardofGovernors.ThestatementrespondedtoperceivedoverreachbyfederalprosecutorswhoappearedtobeescalatingpresidentialpressureonPowellbyopeningacriminalinvestigationinto
costoverrunsattheFederalReserve.EsheNelson,GlobalCentralBankersExpressSupportforFedChairAfterCriminalInvestigation,N.Y.TIMES(January13,2026),
/2026/01/13/business/trump-powell-central-bank-support.html
.
12See,e.g.,Wilcox,145S.Ct.1415;SeilaLaw,140S.Ct.at2186,2245n.8.
5
5
Thehistoryofcentralbankingclearlycollideswithunitaryexecutivetheory.Legislaturesseizedpowerovermoney-makinginsignificantparttofenceouttheexecutive.ButtheSupreme
Court’scurrentlogic—barringtheinventionofanuncertainexception—wouldinvitetheexecutiverightbackin.Wereturntomonarchywithunitaryexecutivetheoryclaimingademocraticpedigree.Somethingisbadlyoff-track.
ThecaseoftheFedexposeswherewewentwrong.Unitaryexecutivetheorymistakesthe
separationofpowersbecauseitmistakesthepowerseachbranchwields.Severalproblemsareconspicuous.Executivediscretiontoimplementlawcaneasilyveerintoexecutivedisregardforalaw’ssubstance.13UnitaryexecutivetheoryalsodisablesCongressfromlawmakingdesignedtotakeeffectuponcertaincontingencies,asdeterminedbyactorsassignedtomakesuch
findings.14
Butanotherproblemliesburied:theexecutivecanencroachonareasoflegislativeprerogative.Thoseprerogativessupportlawmakingbutaredistinctfromit.Theyarebothfamiliar—manyarecenturiesold—andyetnoveltothecurrentdebate—wehaveforgottencertainprinciples
inherenttothedemocraticoperationofgovernment.Moretroublingyet,wehaveforgottenthatthoseprerogativesarepractices,notemptyhand-waving.Theyareprojectionsoflegislative
authoritythatareinstitutionalizedinourconstitutionalorderasanti-executivedevices,barriersagainstpresidentialoverreach.Thosedesignsembeddemocraticsovereigntyinarealworldofchecksandbalances.
Money-makingepitomizesalegislativeprerogative,itspurpose,andthepracticethateffectuatesit.Considertheprobleminthefoundationalformthatearlylegislatorsconfronted.Medieval
legislatorscouldclaimauthorityoverlawmakingincludingeventaxation.Butifacountryranonmetalcoinandthemonarchcontrolledthemint,thatrulercouldsubvertthelegislature’s
authority.He,oroccasionallyshe,needonlydebasethecointospendontheirowninitiative.
France’sPhilipIVandPhilipVI,andEngland’sTudors,HenryVIIIandElizabethI,all
diminishedthepoweroftheirownlegislaturesbydilutingcoinandspendingtheproceeds.15Bycontrast,whenParliamenttookcontrolofthewaymoneyenteredintosociety—whenitstarted
13PETERM.SHANE,MADISON’SNIGHTMARE:HOWEXECUTIVEPOWERTHREATENSAMERICAN
DEMOCRACY(2009);STEPHENSKOWRONEK,etal.,PHANTOMSOFABELEAGUEREDREPUBLIC:THEDEEPSTATEANDTHEUNITARYEXECUTIVE24-38(2021);seegenerallyLawrenceLessig&CassR.Sunstein,ThePresidentandtheAdministration,94COLUMBIAL.REV.2(1994).
14Courtstraditionallydubbedtheroleofthoseadministrativeactorsassignedtomakesuchfindings
“quasi-legislative.”Thetermfacilitatedlawmakinginaworldwithanunfoldingfutureandcooperativeagents,conditionsearlyandwidelyrecognizedasreal.See,e.g.,BrigAurorav.UnitedStates,11U.S.
382(1813)(upholdinglawconditioningeffectonevidencecertifiedbypresidentialproclamation);seegenerallyBriefforLegalHistoriansNoahA.RosenblumandNathanielDonahueasAmiciCuriaeLegalSupportingRespondent,Slaughter.606U.S.___(2025)(tracinghistory).
15DESAN,supranote
1
at162-170;seegenerallyNICOLASORESME,THEDEMONETAOFNICHOLAS
ORESMEANDENGLISHMINTDOCUMENTS(CharlesJohnsontrans.,1956);J.S.Roskell,PerspectivesinEnglishParliamentaryHistory,46BULLETINOFTHEJOHNRYLANDSLIBRARY(1963-64).Thestrategyhadpoliticalcosts,tobesure,butthestakesinvitedmonarchstotakethatcourseagainandagain.
6
6
makingmoney—itcutoffthatavenueofexecutiveabuse.Money-makingultimatelysecuredpoweroverthepursetothemodernlegislature.16
TheFederalReservedescendsfromthattradition.Itsbankeddesignisafunctionoflegislativeprerogative,notagatewayforexecutiveauthority.ArticleIoftheConstitutionconsolidatesthatprerogativeinthe“aggregatepowers”thatconcernmoney,revenue,andfinance.17That
authorityclearlyenablesCongresstoestablishprotectionsfromremovalforofficialsonthe
Fed’sBoardofGovernors18andforpresidentsoftheregionalFederalReserveBanks.19It
informsaswellasthelegalityoftheappointmentproceduresCongresshasestablishedforthoseofficers.20
Theprerogativetomakemoneyisperhapsthemostcloselyheldlegislativeprerogative.That
setstheFederalReserveapart.ButalthoughtheFedisdistinctive,evenextreme,itsauthorityisindicativeofalargerphenomenon.Legislativesovereigntyisacomplexcapacity.Itincludes
lawmakingbutdoesnotreducetoit.Rather,lawmakingisringedroundbyonelegislative
prerogativeafteranother.Legislatorsacquiredthosepowersovercenturies,buildingcapacityastheystruggledtomakerealtheirroleaslawmakers.
Thenextpagesspellouthowlegislatures“makemoney,”anactwerarelythinkaboutbutone
thatprotectslawmakingwhileremainingdistinctfromit.First,thehistoryexposeshow
legislatorsmaderealtheirlawmakingcapacitywhentheymadecompletetheirpowerover
money-making.Second,theessayshowshowthathistoryhasrootsinmonetarytheorythatis
alsodemocratictheory.Legislativeauthoritytoincurdebtonbehalfofacommunityallowsittocreatemoneyoutofthatdebt.Theactisactuallyself-executing;itneedsnodiscretionary
administrativeactiontocompleteit.Thehistoryandtheoryofmoney-makingsetupathirdsectiononthejurisprudenceofmoney-making.TheSupremeCourthasrepeatedlyblessed
Congress’sauthority,powerfullyordainingitsprerogative.Fourthandagainstthatbaseline,IanalyzethecrisiscreatedastheCourt’sunitaryexecutivetheoryreachestheFederalReserve.
Developedindisregardofthehistory,theory,andjurisprudenceonlegislativemoney-making,theunitaryexecutiveapproachprovokesanimpassethatunderminestheCourt’sownauthoritywhilelocatingtheFed—itselfaninstitutionwithdemocraticlineage—asananti-democratic
entity.
16Seeinfratextaccompanyingnotes
37
to
50
.Centurieslater,PaulTucker,formerdeputygovernoroftheBankofEnglandwouldcapturethedangerthatmotivatedParliamenttotakecontrolofmoney
creation.“Iftheexecutivebranchcontrolledthemoneycreationpower,itwouldattheveryleastbeabletodeferitsneedtogothelegislatureforextra‘supply,’andatworstcouldinflateawaytherealburdenofitsdebtstoreducetheamountoftaxationrequiringparliamentaryorcongressionalsanction.”PAUL
TUCKER,UNELECTEDPOWER:THEQUESTFORLEGITIMACYINCENTRALBANKINGANDTHEREGULATORYSTATE288(PrincetonUniv.Press,2018
17Knoxv.Lee,79U.S.457,535(1871);Normanv.BaltimoreandOhioR.R.,294U.S.240,303(1935).
1812U.S.C.§242.
1912U.S.C.§248(f).
2012U.S.C.§241(GovernorsappointedbythePresidentandconfirmedbytheSenateforfourteen-yearterms);§242(ChairofBoardappointedbyPresidentandconfirmedbytheSenateforfour-yearterm);§
305(specifyingappointmentprocedureforregionalbankpresidentsbyClassBandCbankdirectors).
7
7
Thearticleendswithapostscriptthatopensouttheargumentaboutlegislativeprerogatives.TheTrumpadministrationclaimsunprecedentedauthoritytoaccessanddeployinformationheld
acrossthefederalgovernment.Thatassertionconflictswithanotherlegislativeprerogative—theprerogativeofthelegislaturetogatherinformationthatissoundaccordingtomodernnormsofknowledge.Thedramarevealsinsharpdetailthatdemocraticsovereigntyisimmediatelyat
stakeacrossarangeofissues.
Thechecksandbalancesthatsupportthedemocraticdiffusionofpowerarenotpaperinventionsbuthard-wondevices.Legislatorshavestruggledtoclaimanarmyofprerogatives,alltooeasilyassumedbysubsequentgenerations.Theexampleofthecongressionalmoney-makinginvitesustorethinkthewaytheunitaryexecutivetheoryflattensdemocraticsovereignty,splittingoffonelegislativeprerogativeafteranother.Thepostscriptinvitesustoconsiderotherprerogatives.
Legislatorshavetheauthoritytospeakfreelyabouttheirpoliticalleaders,betheymonarchsorelectedofficials.Thatcapacityprotectsthelegislators’abilitytoidentifyabuseanddebate
reforms.21
Legislatorshavetheauthoritytoreceivepetitions.Thatcapacityprotectstheirabilitytounderstandthecircumstancesoftheirconstituents.22
Legislatorshavetheauthoritytoinvestigaterelevantissuesandrequireinformation,enforceablebycontemptandsubpoenaifnecessary.Thatcapacityprotectstheirabilitytocollectevidenceaboutconditionsinsociety.23
Legislatorshavetheauthoritytoresolveclaimsagainstthegovernment.Thatcapacityprotectstheirabilitytograntrelieffromthepublictreasurytothoseinjuredbypublicofficials.24
Legislatorshavetheauthoritytoauditspendingbytheexecutivebranch,evaluateadministrativeprograms,andassessitspolicyinitiatives.Thatcapacityprotectslegislators’abilitytohold
executiveactorsaccountable.25
21U.S.CONST.art.I,§6,cl.1;Gravelv.UnitedStates,408U.S.606(1971).ForBritishprecedent,seeTheEnglishBillofRightsof1689,art.9;ParliamentaryPrivilegeFirstReport,JointCommitteeon
ParliamentaryPrivilege(April9,1999),
https://publications.parliament.uk/pa/jt199899/jtselect/jtpriv/43/4303.htm
(lastaccessedJan.12,2025).
22U.S.CONST.amend.I;seealsoHouseRulesonPetitionsandMemorials.Forthewaypetitioning
functionedtoenlargelegislativeauthorityinthecolonialera,see,e.g.,BarbaraA.Black,TheConstitutionofEmpire:TheCasefortheColonists,124U.PA.L.REV.1158(1976);JACKP.GREENE,THEQUESTFORPOWER;THELOWERHOUSESOFASSEMBLYINTHESOUTHERNROYALCOLONIES,1689-1776(1963).
23SeegenerallyEastlandv.UnitedStatesServicemen’sFund,421U.S.491(1972);McGrainv.Daugherty,273U.S.135(1927);seealsoJurneyv.MacCracken,294U.S.125(1935)(upholdingSenate’sauthoritytousecontempt,includingdetention,toprotectsubpoenaeddocuments).
24SeegenerallyFloydDShimomura,TheHistoryofClaimsAgainsttheUnitedStates:TheEvolution
fromaLegislativeTowardsaJudicialModelofPayment,45LA.L.REV.625(1985);ChristineDesan,TheConstitutionalCommitmenttoLegislativeAdjudicationintheEarlyAmericanTradition,111HARV.
L.REV.1381(1998).
25SeegenerallyBowsherv.Synar,478US.714(1986)(confirmingauthorityofComptrollerGeneralandGeneralAccountabilityOfficetoperformsuchfunctions,notincludingtheexecutiveauthoritytoorder
8
8
Legislatorshavetheauthoritytoestablishproceduresfortheirdecision-making.Thatcapacityprotectstheirabilitytodeliberateinwaystheydetermine.26
Legislatorshavetheauthoritytocounttheelectoralvote.Thatcapacityprotectstheirabilitytopolicetheprocessestoelectthepresident.27
Legislatorshavethecapacitytooverseeexecutivebranchofficials.TheSenatecanevaluateandconsenttoapresident’schoicesforhigheroffice.Legislatorsinbothhouses,actingtogether,canimpeachandremoveanofficialfromoffice.Thosecapacitiesprotectthelegislature’sabilitytocheckincompetentorcorruptappointees.28
Legislatorshavetheauthoritytodeclarewar.Thatcapacityprotectsthelegislature’sabilitytodeterminetheelementalissueofanation’smoralandpoliticalplaceintheglobalorder.29
Ifmembersofalegislativebodycouldnotdebatefreely,receiveinformationfromthepeople,
investigateareasforaction,relievethoseharmedbythegovernment,controltheirown
procedures,overseeandauditexecutivespending,policethepresidentialvote,holdaccountablepublicofficials,anddetermineexistentialquestionsofnationalconductandsurvival,their
lawmakingrolewouldberenderedimpotentinonewayafteranother.Governancewouldbe
ineffectivelydebated,ill-founded,impervioustothoseinjured,shapedbylawsundemocraticallyenacted,subvertedbyexecutivenoncompliance,andadministeredbyofficialsunacceptableto
thepolity.Governanceastheprocessofdetermininganation’scourseintheglobalorderwouldbeneutered.Tobesure,itemizinganarrayoflegislativeprerogativestriggersconcernatareasoferosionandevasion.Thatiscompletelyconsonantwiththepointthattheyareessential.
Whenwesearchforthem,institutionalarrangementsoutsideasimplisticlawmakingv.law-
executingbinaryprotectmanyofthoseprerogatives.Thebattletoproduceandpreserve
informationoffersacurrentexample.Forafarolderone,considerthepowerCongressinheritedfromcoloniallegislaturestoresolveclaimsformoneyfromthepublictreasury.Noonecalls
thatactivity“lawmaking.”Itis,instead,legislativeadjudication.30Thatprerogativepreserves
Congress’sabilitytosafeguardpublicmoneys:itdisallowsanyotheractorfromunlimitedaccesstotheresourcesuponwhichthegovernment’scapacitydepends.
changesinbudgetimplementation);seealsoHENRYROSEVEARE,THETREASURY,1660-1870:THEFOUNDATIONSOFCONTROL46-74(1973)(detailingtheHouseofCommons’slongstruggletosecureaccountabilityintheCrown’sexpenditures).
26U.S.CONST.art.I,§5,cl.2.;seealsoU.S.CONST.art.1,§5,cls.1,3,6;U.S.CONST.art.1,§8,cl.18(provisionsadditionallysupportingthisauthority).
27U.S.CONST.,Amendment12;ActofFeb.3,1887,ch.90,24Stat.373(ElectoralCountAct);Pub.L.No.117-328,div.P,136Stat.4459(Dec.29,2022)(ReformActof2022).
28U.S.CONST.,Art.II,sec.2,cl.2(adviceandconsent);U.S.CONST.Art.1,sec.2,cl.5,andsec.3,cl.6(impeachmentproceedings).
29U.S.CONST.Art.I,sec.8,cl.11.FortheerosionofCongress’sauthoritytodeclarewaranditsimpact,see,e.g.,OonaHathaway,HowtheErosionofU.S.WarPowersConstraintsHasUndermined
InternationalLawConstraintsontheUseofForce,14HARV.NAT’LSEC.J.(2023);CurtisA.Bradley&JackL.Goldsmith,CongressionalAuthorizationandtheWaronTerror,118HARV.L.REV.2047(2005).
30SeegenerallyShimomura,supranote
24;
Desan,supranote
24
.
9
9
Astheexampleoflegislativeadjudicationshows,Congresscanalsoinstitutionalizehelpfromotheractorswithoutcedingitsprerogative.Until1855,Congressinsistedondoingtheworkofclaimsresolutionwithoutassistance.Overwhelmedbytheworkofarapidlygrowing
population,CongressthenestablishedtheU.S.CourtofClaims.31TheSupremeCourtupheldCongress’sauthoritytoestablishatribunaltocarryoutitsprerogative.TheU.S.Courtof
ClaimsisanArticleIIIcourt,thusimmunefromexecutiveinterference.32
Thehistory,theory,andjurisprudencerecapturedherehavebeenmissinginthedebateovertheFederalReserve.Theabsenceisduepartlytothenatureofprerogatives.Someofthemare
expresslyidentifiedintheconstitutionaltext.Thatinvitesthemtobeconsidereddiscretelyandgivenself-containeddoctrinalgenealogies.33Otherprerogatives—includinglegislativecontrolovermoney-making—areimplicit;theyareoperatingpremisesthatwereandareassumed.34
Thosepremisespervasivelyinformconstitutionaldesignbutareonlyobviousonceweexcavateitsstructure.Second,thedebateovertheFedhastracedthelineageofthatinstitutionbackwardstosearchforprecedents,ratherthanstartingwiththecapacity—moneycreation—thatisthe
congressionalprerogativeatstake.Oncethatanimatingcapacity(tocreatemoney)isleftaside,theFedappearsmuchmorelikeanyotheradministrativeagency.Thesameargumentsforor
againstthelogicoftheunitaryexecutiveapplyandtheyexhausttherepertoire.35Finally,thestrategyoflumpingtheFedinwithotheradministrativeagencieshassomethingofanin
31ActofFebruary24,1855,10Stat.612(1855).
32Gliddenv.Zdanok,370U.S.530(1962).WhiletheCourtofClaims(todaytheCourtofFederal
ClaimsandtheFederalCircuit)wasanArticleIIIcourt,Congressmaintainedcertainlimitsonitsactivity.Thele
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