研究生公共英语课文翻译.doc

研究生公共英语下册课文翻译Unit 3Most people must by now have seen the original advertisement featuring a Clifton Webb sort of gentlemen wearing a white shirt and having a black patch over one eye .This advertisement sold a million Hathaway shirts in a few weeks ,but few people ever found out why .The ad was a piece of abstract art ,of unabashed symbolism such as is reputed to outage the ordinary man when he meets it in an art gallery ,but which worked perfectly in the market place .迄今为止，大多数人一定看过这样一副别出心裁的广告：一位克里夫顿韦布模样的绅士-穿着一件白色衬衣，一只眼睛上蒙着黑眼罩。在仅仅几星期的时间里，这幅广告就推销了一百万件“哈瑟维”牌衬衣。然而很少有人知晓其中的奥秘。广告是一种抽象的艺术，是不经掩饰的象征主义作品。据说普通人在艺术画廊里看到广告是会怒不可遏，但是它在市场上却表现得尽善尽美。There is no accident about this ;symbolist poetry and painting were magical in theory and in practice ,linking objects which had no logical connection .Modern advertising is a form of magic (“Kissing sweet in five seconds ”),and it employs all the techniques of symbolist art .It is a kind of Arabian Nights world of Aladdin lamps and genii who spring from bottles to do our bidding .In the world ,as in the world of Omar Khayyam ,the sorry scheme of things as they are is forever being remolded nearer to the hearts desire . So powerful is this feature of the huge artificial pictorialized , neon-lighted environment created by advertising that people have gotten into the habit of living in that future environment which the ads promise. Not satisfied with the present, they live in those months ahead when the icebox will be paid for or when a course of beauty treatments and a psychiatric analysis will have brought romance and success into their lives. Advertising creates a Promised Land.这一点绝非偶然，无论在理论上还是实践上，象征主义诗歌和绘画都神秘莫测，能够把相互没有逻辑关系的东西联系起来。现代广告就是一种魔法（5秒钟之内甜蜜接吻），它采用了象征主义艺术的各种手法。它是天方夜谭般的世界，有阿拉伯神灯和魔仆，从瓶子里钻出来为我们效劳。在这个世界上，就像欧玛尔海亚姆的世界里一样，事物令人悲伤的格局事实上永远是按照心灵的愿望铸造的。广告创造的图文并茂、霓虹灯闪烁的人造环境的阵势如此强大，以至于人们都已经习惯于生活在广告所渲染的未来世界里。他们不满足于现实的生活，就生活在未来的日子里，那时候有人替他们付冰箱的钱，那时候一套美容程序和心理分析将给他们的生活带来浪漫和成功。广告创造了一个想象中的幸福之地。National brands of commodities like Coca-Cola or Lucky Strike have a way of becoming a kind of totemistic institution .Totem societies were held together ollectively by the totem plant or animal. A man was not a member of the kangaroo clan or tribe; he was a kangaroo. He participated in the life of the kangaroo with his brothers; it was a kind of mystic communion or participation. Advertising, with its appeal to collective emotion, has set up national brands and totems for communal participation.像可口可乐或红吉士这些全国性品牌的商品各有办法建立一套图腾制度。图腾社会是靠图腾植物或图腾动物维系在一起的。单独一个人就不是袋鼠家族或部落的一个成员，他只是一只袋鼠，他和他的兄弟们一起参与袋鼠的集体生活，这是一种神秘的心际交流或参与。广告能够调动起集体情感，为群体参与制定了全国性品牌和图腾。Unit 46. From the time of the beginning of his slavery to the time of Abolition, the American Negro was frustrated into a near silence, broken only by his wails of misery. When he was set free in 1865, his music was to span a musical lag of some three hundred years. A vigorous sound, prototypic of jazz, burst forth with the Negros freedom from slavery. It was to grow into a lusty, virile, and dynamic force - jazz!从黑人奴隶制到奴隶解放，美国黑人遭受残酷的压制，几乎听不到他的声音，只有凄惨的恸哭才打破这种沉寂。1865年他获得解放时，他的音乐将要弥补大约300年的音乐空白。一种为爵士乐所特有的充满活力的声音随着黑人挣脱奴隶制获得自由暴发出来了，它将成为一种朝气蓬勃的、雄浑的动感力量，那就是爵士乐。7. For twenty years after Abolition, the Negros main source of musical expression was still his voice. He had sung when he hoed taters, picked cotton, chopped sugar cane, or worked on the levee or railroad. He had shouted to a holy God in his spirituals. But now his song was earthy and stark. He had yearned for a spiritual horn of grace, but he accepted the flesh when he couldnt get the spirit; thus was the black mans song intoned in blue realism. The blues!解放奴隶后有20年时间，黑人的音乐表达的主要源泉依然是他的声音。他在锄土豆、摘棉花、砍甘蔗或者在码头上干活的时候就哼唱过，他在自己的灵歌里对着神圣的上帝喊唱过。然而现在他的歌声变得粗俗朴实。他曾在精神上祈望获得上帝的恩赐，但是当他无法得到精神的时候，他也就接受了肉体。于是黑人的歌曲就在忧伤的现实中吟唱起来，那就是布鲁斯音乐！8. The blues were a rich, social, and personal musical language - social in that it was the creative language of a people, and personal in that it was an expression of individual thinking and feeling. For images to guide his song, the Negro drew upon what was deep down inside him. Blues imagery was taken from more realistic experiences than was the biblical imagery of the spirituals. It played on the simple elements of life -love-making, eating, sleeping, working, dying; and it expressed mans natural emotions- hope and despair, love and hate, envy, lust, fear, jealousy, and loneliness. 布鲁斯是一种丰富的、社会的、也是个人的音乐语言。说它是社会的是因为它是一个民族的创造性语言；说它是个人的是因为它是个人思想和感情的表达方式。为了让形象能够指导他的歌曲，黑人汲取了积淀在他内心深处的东西。布鲁斯的形象更多的是来自现实经历，而不是来自灵歌中的圣经形象，它运用的是生活的简单要素 求爱、吃饭、睡眠、工作、死亡；它表达的是人类的自然情感 希望和绝望、爱和恨、羡慕、欲望、恐惧、嫉妒和孤独。23.Further, the traditional school of music relies heavily upon a visual sense. To reproduce the literature, the student of music has been required to devote years of intersive study to reading and interpreting the printed page. Jazz has not been and is not now dependent upon visual perception. It is primarily an aural music. Its creativ nature is dependent upoon the ear. The transition of emphasis from the eye to the ear will be a difficulty confronting the traditional school if jazz is included in the curriculum.再说，传统的音乐学派在很大程度上依赖于视觉。为了重新创造音乐文献，学音乐的学生被要求一连几年深入钻研并解读印刷在乐本上的乐谱。爵士乐一直没有，现在也不依赖于视觉，它基本上是一种听觉音乐，它的创造性离不开耳朵。假如要把爵士乐也归纳到教学大纲里面，传统的学校所面临的一个很大困难就是实现感觉重心从眼睛到耳朵的转移。24.The dedicated jazz man claims that his music cannot become a larger from of composition because its spontaneous nature improvisation demands brevity. He holds that jazz is not jazz when the music is written down, when the expression of it becomes a reproduction of ideas conceived by another rather than the spontaneous and creative expression of the performer.热爱爵士乐的音乐家称，他的音乐不可能成为一种更广泛的作曲形式，因为它的自发性 即兴演奏 要求它必须简短。他认为一旦爵士乐成了事先谱写好的，一旦它的表现成了再现另外一个人的想法而不是表达演奏者的自发性创造，那么，爵士乐就不成其为爵士乐。25.The creative jazz man of today is in tune with what happened last night and anticipates what may occur tomorrow. With the devotion of a crusader, he maintains the resilient form of composition which jazz allows. He continues to experiment with ways to capture emotional texture through the imaginative use of syncopation, dissonances, unusual tonal effects, rhythmic and melodic variations, and other sounds characteristic of jazz. He feels an obligation to protect the tradition of his art. His is a creative and spontaneous musica manifestation of the creative urge of the common man for the people and by the people.当今富有创造性的爵士乐手表现的是昨晚所发生的事情，他预言的是明天将要发生的事情。以一个捍卫者的奉献精神，他保持了爵士乐所能允许保留的适应性较强的作曲形式。他继续试验各种方法，通过想象地使用切分音、不和谐音、反常的音调效果、节奏和韵律变化以及爵士乐的其他常用声音来捕捉富有情感的音乐特质。他觉得有义务保护他所热爱的艺术传统。他的音乐是一种富有创造性和自发性的音乐，它所展示的是普通人表现创造力的欲望。它为人民所享用，并由人民所创造。26.Listen! A young man is blowing a horn! 你听！一位年轻人正在演奏小号！Unit 5Anthropology is the study of human beings as creatures of society. It fastens its attention upon those physical characteristics and industrial techniques, those conventions and values, which distinguish one community from all others that belong to a different tradition.人类学是把人类作为社会动物来研究的科学，它集中研究把一个社会与属于不同传统的其他社会区别开来的那些动物特征和工业技术、传统和价值观。The distinguish mark of anthropology among the social sciences is that it includes for serious study societies other than our own. For its purposes, any social regulation of mating and reproduction is as significant as our own, though it may be that of the Sea Dyaks, and have no possible historical relation to that of our civilization. To the anthropologist, our customs and those of a New Guinea tribe are two possible social schemes for dealing with a common problem, and insofar as he remains an anthropologist, he is bound to avoid any weighting of one in favour of the other. He is interested in human behavior, not as it is shaped by one tradition, our own, but as it has been shaped by any tradition whatsoever. He is interested in the great gamut of custom that is found in various cultures, and his object is to understand the way in which these cultures change and differentiate， the different forms through which they express themselves, and the manner in which the customs of any people function in the lives of the individuals who live within a specific culture.作为社会科学之一的人类学的区别性标志是它除了认真地研究我们自己的社会以外，还研究别社会。就其目的而言，任何社会有关交配和繁殖的规定跟我们自己的一样重要，尽管他有可能是迪亚克海社会的，与我们自己的文明没有一点点历史联系。对于人类学家来说，我们的习俗和一个新几内亚部落的习俗是解决同一个问题的两种可能的社会结构；只要他是一位人类学家，他肯定会竭力避免厚此薄彼。他感兴趣的是人类行为，倒不是因为他是由一种传统，即我们自己的传统，所形成的，而是因为它是由任何传统所形成的，不管是哪种传统。他感兴趣的是在各种文化中所发现的浩瀚的习俗范围，他的目标就是弄懂这些文化变化和相互区别方式，搞清楚它们表达自己的不同方式，弄明白任何一个民族的习俗在某一特定文化中的个人生活中的作用。Now custom has not been commonly regarded as a subject of any great moment. The inner workings of our own brains we feel to be uniquely worthy of investigation, bur custom, we have a way of thinking, is behavior at its most commonplace. As a matter of fact, it is the other way around. Traditional custom, taken the world over, is a mess of detailed behavior more astonishing than what any one person can ever evolve in individual actions, no matter how aberrant. Yet that is a rather trivial aspect of a matter. The fact of first-rate importance is the role that custom plays in experience and in belief, and the very great varieties it may manifest. 当前，习俗并没有被看做是一门重要学科。我们觉得我们大脑的工作原理很值得研究，至于习俗妈，我们就觉得再普通不过了。事实正好相反。从世界范围来看，传统习俗不管有多么异常，它是一系列细微的行为方式，比任何个人在个体行为中的行为方式要复杂的多，然而，这只是习俗微不足道的一面，最主要的方面是习俗在经验和信仰中所起的作用以及它所表现出来的多样性。So modern man, differentiating into Chosen People and dangerous aliensgroups within his own civilization genetically and culturally related to one another as any tribes in the Australian bush are among themselveshas the justification of a vast historical continuity behind his attitude. The Pygmies have made the same claims. We are not likely to clear ourselves easily of so fundamental a human trait, but we can at least learn to recognize its history and its hydra manifestations.因此，现代人把自己区分成上帝的选民和危险的异族人-他自己种族内的群体，他们相互之间靠遗传和文化相互联系着，就像澳大利亚灌木地带的任何部落之间的关系一样-他的态度有着悠久的历史延续性，这样也有他的道理。俾格米人特声称他们和现代人一样。我们不大可能轻易的根除一个如此基本的人类特征，但是我们至少可以学会承认它的历史和它的多种表现方式。One of these manifestations, and one which is often spoken of as primary and motivated rather by religious emotions than by this more generalized provincialism, is the attitude that has universally held in Western civilizations so long as religion remained a living issue among them. The distinction between any closed group and outside peoples becomes, in terms of religion, that between the true believers and the heathen. Between these two categories for thousands of years there were no common meeting points. All institutions were seen in opposing terms. On the one side, it was a question of Divine Truth and of revelation; on the other, it was a matter of mortal error and of fables. There could be no question of understanding from objective studied data the nature of this important human trait, religion.这种表现方式之一就是这样一种态度，只要宗教是一个现行议题，这种态度就一直在西方文明中普遍占有一席之地。这种表现常常被看做是基本的受宗教情感驱动的，而不是受更加普遍的地方风尚的驱动的。就宗教而言，任何封闭的种族与异族之间的区别实际上成了信教者和异教徒之间的区别。千百年来，这两类人之间没有任何共同点，人们总是以对立的标准审视所有的制度。一方面，这是上帝的真理和启示的问题；另一方面，这是人类的过失和神话的问题。人类特征的这种重要性质，即宗教，不大可能根据客观研究的资料来理解。The anthropologist, whose business is to observe the course of the natural history of man, does not deal with the desirability of religious diversity. He simply notes that it exists and attempts to discover its sources. Seeking to view the development of human life as a whole, the anthropologist has somehow to bring mans love of food and his attitude toward supernatural powers into one scheme. Everything man has done or experienced is relevant. However, the anthropologist, who dose not seek to pass judgment, studies the how, not the why, of a cultural manifestation whose significance seems to be granted in fullest measure to those whose lives are most intimately bound to it.人类学家的职责是观察人类自然历史的发展过程，他并不关心宗教差异是否可取，它只是注意到它的存在并试图找到它根源。由于他试图从整体的角度来观察人类生命的发展过程，所以人类学家就不得不把人类对于食物的热爱和他对于超自然力量的态度放到同一个系统来考虑。人类所做的或经历过的每一件事都是相互关联的。然而，人类学家并不力图作出判断，他研究的是一种文化表现的方式而不是它的原因，这样文化表现的重要意义好像已经完全赋予了那些其生活和它密不可分的人。Unit 71. In a society of high and increasing affluence, there are three plausible tendencies as regards toil. As the production of goods comes to seem less urgent, and as individuals are less urgently in need of income for the purchase of goods, they will work fewer hours or days in the week. Or they will work less hard. Or, as a final possibility, it may be that fewer people will work all the time.在一个财富与日俱增的高度富足的社会，就工作而言，有三种看似合理的趋势。随着商品的生产变得似乎不再迫切，个人也不再迫切需要收入来购买商品，他们一同的工作时数或天数就可以减少，或者，他们用不着很卖力的工作，或者，作为最后一种可能性，整个时间干活的人数就比以往减少。2. A reduction in the workweek is an exceedingly plausible reaction to the declining marginal urgency of product. In the conventional wisdom, unfortunately, the reduction in hours has emerged as the only legitimate response to increasing affluence. This is at least partly so because the issue has never been faced in terms of the increasing unimportance of goods. Accordingly, though we have attributed value to leisure, a ban still lies on other courses which seem to be more directly in conflict with established attitudes on productive efficiency. In a society rationally concerned with its own happiness, these alternatives have a strong claim to consideration.减少一周的工作时间，这是对于产品边际需求日益减少所作出的、看似及其合理的反应。不幸的是，按照一般人的看法，好像减少工作时数成了对财富日益增加的唯一合法反应。至少，部分情况是这样的，因为没有人从商品越来越不重要这个角度去正视过这个问题。因此，尽管我们已经认识到休闲的价值，但是，仍然有一些事情还是行不通，这些事情似乎同人们对于生产效率的既定态度发生了更直接的冲突。在一个理性的、关心其成员幸福的社会里，这些可供选择的方法很值得考虑。3. The present-day industrial establishment is a great distance removed from that of the last century or even 25 years ago. This improvement has been the result of a variety of forces - government standards and factory inspection, general technological and architectural advances, the fact that productivity could often be increased by substituting machine power for heavy or repetitive manual labor , the need to compete for a labor force, and union intervention to improve working conditions in addition to wages and hours.目前的工作体系和一个世纪，甚至25年前的情况大不一样。这一进步是多种力量作用的结果：政府制定标准，工厂实施检查，技术和建筑方面取得全面进步，人们对于生产力常常可以通过机器取代繁重的重复性手工劳动加以提高这一事实的认识，竞争劳动力的需要，工会干预督促提高工资、减少工作时间、改进工作条件等等。4. However, except where the improvement contributed to increased productivity, the effort to make work more pleasant has had to support a large burden of proof. It was permissible to seek the elimination of the hazardous, unsanitary, unhealthful, or otherwise objectionable conditions of work. The speed-up might be resisted to a point. But the test was not what was agreeable but what was unhealthful or, at a minimum, excessively fatiguing. The trend toward increased leisure is not reprehensible, but we resist vigorously the notion that a man should work less hard while on a job. Here, older attitudes are involved. We are gravely suspicious of any tendency to expend less than the maximum effort, for top effort has long been a prime economic virtue. 然而，除了条件的改善有助于提高生产力这一点，力争使工作变得更加愉快的这一努力必须提供大量的证据，才能证明它是值得的。如果要消除危险的、不卫生的、对身体有害的或是令人厌恶的工作环境，这是允许的。提高生产速度有可能或多或少地遭到抵制。然而，判断的标准倒不是什么令人舒适，而是什么对身体有害，或者最低限度，是什么尤其累人。追求更多安逸的倾向无可厚非，不过我们坚决反对认为一个人在工作的时候应该尽量少干活这样一种观点。这里又涉及到一些陈旧的人生态度。我们非常怀疑任何不竭尽全力的倾向，因为付出最大努力一直是一种主要的经济美德。5.None the less, the basic point remains: The case for more leisure is not stronger on purely primafacie grounds than the case for making labor time itself more agreeable. The test, it is worth repeating, is not the effect on productivity. It is not seriously argued that the shorter workweek increases productivity that men produce more in fewer hours than they would in more. Rather, it is whether fewer hours are always to be preferred to more but more pleasant ones. 即便如此，基本问题依然没有解决：乍一看，追求更多安逸的理由没有把工作时间变得更加舒适的理由那么令人信服。值得重复的一点是，问题并不是对生产力会产生什么样的影响。人们没有认真讨论过这个问题：更短的周工作时间会提高生产力，人在更少的时间里会比在更多的时间里制造更多的产品。相反，人们所关心的是应不应该在任何时候都选择更少的工作时间 而且是更加愉快的工作时间。16.I venture to suggest that the unprofessional reader will find the ideas offered here rather reasonable and rational. Why should man struggle to maximize income when the price is many dull and dark hours of labor? Why should they do so especially to make goods more plentiful and less urgent? Why should they not seek instead to maximize the rewards of all the hours of their days? And since this is the plain and obvious aspiration of a great and growing number of the most perceptive people, why should it not be the central goal of the sociiety? And now to complete the case, we have a design for progress. It is education or, more broadly, investment in human as distinct from material capital.我敢冒昧的说，外行的读者会觉得这里所提出的一些想法是相当合理、相当理性的。尽管要付出的代价是很多小时沉闷无聊的劳动，可是人类为何还要努力增加收入？这样做的结果只能是商品更加富裕，更不急需，可是为何还是要这么做呢？为何他们不反过来努力增加每一天工作时间的快乐呢？既然这是许多，而且是越来越多的最有见识的人显而易见的抱负，为何它就不能成为这个社会的主要目标呢？在结束这个话题之前，我们想提出一个改进的计划，这就是教育，或者范围更广些，就是人类资本-其区别于物质资本方面的投资。17.But in the more sophisticated levels of the conventional wisdom, including those of some professional economists, any such goal will seem exceedingly undesirable. The production of material goods, urgent or otherwise, is the accepted measure of our progress. Investment in material capital is our basic engine of progress. Both this product and the means for increasing it are measurable and tangible. What is measurable is better. To talk of transferring increasing numbers of people from lives spent mostly in classical toil to lives which, for the most part, are spent pleasantly has less quantitative precision. Since investment in individuals, unlike investment in a blast furnace, provides a product that can be neither seen nor valued, it is inferior. And here the conventional wisdom unleashes its epithet of last resort. Since these achievements are not easily measured, as a goal they are “funny”. This is widely deemed to be a fatal condemnation. The precise, to be sure, is usually the old and familiar. Because it is old and familiar it has been defined and measured. Thus dose insistence on precision become another of the tautological devices by which the conventional wisdom protects itself. Nor should one doult its power.但是，按照更加复杂的传统观点的各项标准，包括一些职业经济学家的标准，任何这样的目标都很不受欢迎。不管迫切与否，物质商品的生产已经是人们所接受的、衡量我们进步的尺度。物质资本方面的投资是我们前进的基本动力。这种产品以及增加这种产品的手段都是可以衡量的，是实实在在的