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Unit 5 Give Me Liberty or Give Me DeathPatrick Henry1.Mr. President: No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the house. But different men often see the same object in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen, if, entertaining, as I do, opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the house is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery. And in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offence, I should consider myself as guilty of treason toward my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings.2.Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who having eyes see not, and having ears hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, Im willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst and to provide for it.3.I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the house? Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation the last arguments to which kings resort.4.I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging.5.And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not already been exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves longer.6.Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned with contempt from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free, if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending, if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of Hosts is all that is left us!7.They tell us, sir, that we are weak unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak, if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. Three millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanging may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come!8.It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, peace but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take, but as for me, give me liberty or give me death! 不自由,毋宁死1.议长先生:我比任何人更钦佩刚刚在议会上发言的先生们的爱国主义精神和才干。但是,对同样的问题,智者见智,仁者见仁。因此,尽管我的观点与他们大相径庭,但是我仍要把自己的心里话一吐为快,并希望不要因此而被看做是对他们大不敬:现在不是讲客套的时候。摆在议会面前的问题关系到国家的存亡。我认为,这是关系到享受自由还是蒙受奴役的关键问题,而且正因为事关重大,我们的辩论就要做到各抒己见。只有这样,我们才能弄清事实的真相,才能不辜负上帝和祖国赋予我们的责任。在这种时刻,如果怕得罪人而闭口不言,我认为就是叛国,就是比对世上所有国君更为神圣的上帝的不忠行为。2.议长先生,对希望抱有幻觉是人的天性。我们往往紧闭双眼不去正视痛苦的现实,而是倾听海妖蛊惑人心的歌声,让她把我们变成禽兽。在为自由而进行艰苦卓绝的斗争中,这难道是聪明人的所作所为吗?难道我们愿意为对获得拯救如此至关重要的事情视而不见,听而不闻吗?就我来说,无论精神上有多么痛苦,我仍愿意获悉全部的真相和最坏的事态,并为之做好充分准备。3.我只有一盏指路明灯,那就是经验之灯。除了过去的经验,我没有其他的方法去判断未来。依据过去的经验,我倒希望知道,十年来英国政府的所作所为,凭什么使得各位先生有理由满怀希望,并欣然用来安慰自己和议会呢?难道就是最近接受我们请愿时的那种狡诈的微笑吗?不要相信这种微笑,阁下,事实证明那是放置在您脚下的陷阱。不要被人家的亲吻把自己出卖了!请你们扪心自问,接受我们请愿时的和蔼亲善与遍布海陆疆域的大规模备战怎么会相称呢?难道出于对我们的爱护和和解,就有必要动用战舰和军队吗?难道我们流露过绝不和解的愿望,因此结果为了重新赢得我们的爱,而必须诉诸武力吗?我们不要再欺骗自己了,阁下,这些都是战争和征服的工具,是国王们采取的最后的辩解手段。4. 我要请问先生们,阁下,这些战争的部署如果不是为了迫使我们俯首称臣,那又意味着什么?先生们能够指出还有其他的动机吗?难道在世界的这个地方,还有什么敌人值得大不列颠如此兴师动众,调集如此庞大的海陆军队吗?没有了,阁下,什么敌人也没有。他们完全是针对我们的,而不是别人。他们是派来给我们紧紧套上英国政府长期以来铸造的锁链的。5.我们用什么来抵抗呢?还要辩论吗?阁下,我们已经辩论了十年。难道对这个问题我们还有什么新鲜观点吗?什么也没有。我们已经把各个方面全考虑过了,但是一切都徒劳枉然。难道我们只得苦苦哀告,微言乞求吗?难道我们还能期望找到什么没有穷尽的说法吗?阁下,我恳求您,我们千万不要再自欺欺人了。6.阁下,为了躲避这场即将降临的风暴,一切该做的事情我们都已经做了。我们请愿过,我们抗议过,我们哀
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