劳动力市场冲击对健康的影响外文文献翻译中英文

外文文献翻译原文及译文劳动力市场冲击对健康的影响外文翻译中英文2019-2020文献出处：Olga Lazareva.JEconomics & Human Biology, Volume 36, January 2020, pp:1-13译文字数：4600多字英文The effect of labor market shocks on health: The case of the Russian transitionOlga LazarevaAbstractDuring the first years of the transition to the market economy in Russia, many people experienced the whole range of stressful labor market events, including job loss, wage cuts and nonpayments; some people had to change occupations or take on additional work. These events were caused externally by the unprecedented structural shifts in the economy. This natural experiment provides an opportunity to estimate the causal effect of various labor market shocks on individual health and health-related behaviors. Propensity score matching and difference-in-difference estimates using household survey data show that labor market shocks during the early transition had long-term negative effects on individual health. I also find an increased incidence of smoking and alcohol consumption as well as a higher risk of certain types of chronic health problems for the people affected by labor market shocks.Keywords：Labor market，Health，Smoking，Alcohol，TransitionIntroductionA number of studies have shown that negative labor market events may affect peoples health. Mostly job loss and unemployment have been shown to have a negative effect on individual health. During periods of deep economic crises or economy-wide structural shifts, such as the transition from a planned to market economy, people experience a wide range of external labor market shocks that are not limited to job loss. The case of the Russian transition to the market economy provides a unique natural experiment setting that allows for the estimation of the causal effect of labor market shocks on individual health, which is the purpose of this paper.This study is not limited to job loss: I estimate the effect of several negative labor market events. Previous literature has examined the effect of economic changes on health and mortality indicators in transition mostly at the aggregate or regional levels (Walberg et al., 1998;Stillman, 2006). I use unique data on individual-level labor market shocks. In addition, previous studies mostly examined short-term effects while I estimate the long-term health effects that are observed 15 years after the start of transition. Another distinguishing feature of the paper is the use of a wide range of health indicators and health-related outcomes: self-assessed health (SAH) and the EQ-5D measure, the indicators of the occurrence of chronic diseases and cardiovascular problems, the incidence of smoking and alcohol consumption.During the first years of transition in Russia, economic decline was dramatic. Gross domestic product declined by 40% during the first half of the 1990s. Unemployment increased from nonexistent to almost 10% in 1995. The structural shifts in the economy have led to a large-scale labor reallocation across sectors. Employment in the industry declined, while employment in the new sector of the economy market services surged. Approximately 42% of employed people permanently changed occupations between 1991 and 1998 (Sabirianova, 2002). Another specific feature of economic transition in Russia was the large-scale nonpayment of wages by enterprises to their workers (Earle and Sabirianova, 2009) and various forms of underemployment (reduced working time and unpaid leaves; see Gimpelson and Kapelyushnikov 2013), which forced many people to obtain additional jobs. Consequently, many employed people in Russia experienced negative labor market events caused by the turmoil of transition and fundamental structural changes in the economy. In this paper, I test the effects of four events: job loss due to plant closure or downsizing, occupational downshifting, the performance of additional work and salary cuts.To estimate the health effects of labor market shocks, I use the data from the Russian Longitudinal Monitoring Survey, which is a household survey. In the main part of my analysis, I use data from the 2006 round of the survey. In the 2006 round of the survey, people were asked a number of questions concerning their labor market experiences during the transition, i.e., beginning in 1991. These data allow us to use a matching method to estimate the effect of labor market shocks. I assume that, conditional on observable individual characteristics at the start of transition, the treatment, i.e., labor market shock, was exogenous. The probability of the shock was related to the severity of economic decline in the sector of individual employment. In a supplementary analysis, I also use a subset of the panel data for 19942000 to estimate the difference-in-difference model.Matching estimates are performed separately for men and women. The results show that labor market shocks had a negative long-term impact on overall individual health (both self-assessed health and the EQ-5D measure). In particular, job loss was more harmful for womens health, additional work was more harmful for mens health, while occupational downshifting was negatively related to the health of both groups. I find that certain labor market shocks increased the risk of cardiovascular diseases, heart attack and stroke, and chronic problems of the kidneys, gastrointestinal system and spine. Finally, labor market shocks are associated with higher rates of smoking and alcohol consumption for both men and women. Importantly, the negative health effects found in his study are likely to be underestimated due to the fact that we do not observe people who did not survive until 2006 in our sample.Two potential channels through which labor market shocks may affect individual health are income decline and psychological stress. Job loss and wage cuts or nonpayments result in a decline in income, which translates into worse health status through poorer nutrition and fewer resources for medical treatment. Using individual-level survey data,Stillman and Thomas (2008)showed that gross energy intake in Russia did not change much in response to household income fluctuations during the 1990s. However, the diet composition was affected by the income decline.There are a number of ways in which labor market shocks in transition may induce psychological stress. In the planned economy, people had very stable employment, while the market transition has dramatically increased the level of uncertainty with respect to their labor market position and future earnings. Many people had to move to a less qualified job or into completely different occupations, which induced psychological stress due to the loss of human capital, in particular for older people1. Job loss and occupational downshifting also resulted in a decline in social status and a loss of social networks for many people. Indeed, my analysis shows that people who experienced labor market shocks, in particular, job loss, report the decline of their position in relative income and power distributions. Medical literature shows a strong link between chronic psychological stress and cardiovascular diseases as well as increased smoking and alcohol consumption.In addition to providing evidence on the social cost of economic transformations in terms of the decline in health of the working population, this paper contributes to the understanding of Russias mortality crisis. There was a sharp rise in both male and female mortality rates at the beginning of the economic transition in the early 1990s (Vichnevski, 1999). Life expectancy for men dropped from 65 years in 1988 to 58 in 1994; for women, it dropped from 75 to 72. The mortality increase was highest among the working-age population over 40, with the main medical cause of death being cardiovascular disease. This rise in mortality is still not fully understood.Brainerd and Cutler (2005)empirically test a wide range of possible explanations and suggest two main explanations: broadly defined psychosocial distress from the transition (stress from increased uncertainty; higher risk of negative outcomes in the absence of a social security net) and an increase in alcohol consumption, which paralleled the rise in mortality.Denisova (2010), in her study of the causes of adult mortality during the transition, showed that both heavy drinking and smoking increased the risk of mortality by almost 60%. The role of labor market transformations during the transition in the mortality crisis is underexplored, although some studies indicate its importance. Massive labor reallocation, which is shown in this paper to have negative health effects and increased individual levels of smoking and alcohol consumption, is likely to have contributed to rising mortality in Russia in the early 1990s.Labor market shocks and healthThere are a number of studies estimating the effect of job loss and unemployment on health and mortality. Since there is a potential reverse causality problem between individual health and losing a job, several papers study the effect of an exogenous job loss due to plant closures. In one of those studies,Hamilton et al. (1990)show that job insecurity (anticipation of job loss) and job loss itself have negative health effects.Catalano et al. (1993)finds that job loss increases the risk of alcohol abuse. Using propensity score matching with Swedish data,Eliason and Storrie (2009)show that job loss significantly increases mortality risk for men.Black et al. (2015)find negative health effects of job displacement on the health of both men and women in Norway; much of this effect is driven by the increase in smoking behavior.With respect to unemployment, a number of studies show that unemployed people have a lower health status than employed people do (for surveys, seeJin et al., 1995;Dooley et al., 1996;Bjrklund and Eriksson, 1998). Several studies use individual-level panel data to estimate the causal effect of unemployment on health. WhileBjorklund (1985)finds no significant relationship,Kessler et al. (1987)find a negative effect of unemployment on subjective health.Mayer et al. (1991)show that the risk of the deterioration of mental health is greater among unemployed people, andGerdtham and Johannesson (2003)find that unemployment raises the mortality risk.The mechanisms behind the negative health effects of job loss and unemployment costs discussed in the literature are twofold. One reason is a sharp decline in income following job loss, which leads to worse nutrition and fewer financial resources to obtain treatment in the case of health problems. Another reason is psychological distress due to the loss of social status and social connections and declining self-esteem.The health effects of forced occupational change caused by economic restructuring are much less understood. There are a number of studies in the sociological and medical literature examining how various aspects of occupational stress affect health. In particular, these studies show that occupational stress factors, such as low job satisfaction, lack of control, work overload and effort-reward imbalance, are negatively related to mental health and cardiovascular diseases, leading to greater smoking and alcohol consumption (Conway et al., 1981;Bosma et al., 1998;Marmot et al., 1997;Bobak et al., 2005;Greenberg and Grunberg, 1995). One must be careful when interpreting the results of these studies, as most of them do not address endogeneity or the reverse causality problem4. In the economics literature,Fischer and Sousa-Poza (2009)provide panel data evidence that higher job satisfaction has a positive effect on workers health.These studies suggest some ideas concerning psychological and physiological mechanisms through which occupational change may affect health. Leaving a profession in which one was successful and having to switch to an occupation that one does not prefer is stressful in itself. Such people may feel that their skills are underutilized in their new occupation, which has been shown to have a negative effect on job satisfaction (Allen and Velden, 2001). Additional stress may come from the fact that the occupational switch may result in a loss of social status if the status (prestige) of the new occupation or the persons status in this occupation is lower than that of the previous occupation (Marmot and Wilkinson, 1999).Guriev and Zhuravskaya (2009)show that people in transition economies who received their education before the start of the transition have lower life satisfaction levels. This can be due both to the declining status of an old occupation and to the forced occupational change and resulting skill mismatch. Work overload arising from the need to acquire new skills over a short period of time may also negatively affect physical and mental health.The medical literature established a strong link between psychological stress and cardiovascular diseases (Sterling and Eyer, 1981;Henry, 1982;Nicholson et al., 2005). It has been shown that stressful life events negatively affect health (Lantz et al., 2005), and distress leads to more negative health perceptions (Farmer and Ferraro, 1997). Moreover, stress is conducive to increased levels of smoking and alcohol consumption (Pearlin and Radabaugh, 1976;Castro et al., 1987). It is well established by now that smoking negatively affects long-term health, as it is a leading cause of lung cancer and other lung diseases and a major cause of heart disease and stroke (Chaloupka, 2000). Negative health effects of alcohol consumption are due to both short-term consequences of intoxication (increased probability of accidents and violence) and long-term effects of chronic heavy drinking (cirrhosis, coronary heart disease) (Cook and Moore, 2000).ConclusionUnderstanding the health effects of labor market shocks is important, as it helps to evaluate the social costs of economic crises and downturns. Transition economies in the early 1990s went through unprecedented economic transformation, and Russia experienced one of the worst economic declines. In just a few years, the GDP fell by 40%, and in some industries, production collapsed by 90%. There was massive reallocation of labor from the industrial to services sectors. During this period, a significant share of the working-age population experienced labor market shocks. Importantly, these shocks were not limited to job loss. A significant number of people stayed in their jobs, but their real wages declined dramatically. Many of them had to take additional jobs to sustain their incomes. Others had to switch to new jobs in lower-skilled occupations. Thus, they experienced a depreciation of the human capital that they had accumulated during their previous career.The purpose of this paper is to estimate the effects of such labor market shocks on the level of health, health conditions and health-related behaviors of the Russian population. I use individual-level data from the RLMS, which contains retrospective data on respondents labor market histories starting in 1991. Using a matching estimation method, I test the effects of several types of labor market shocks job loss due to plant closure or downsizing, occupational downshifting or having to take on an additional job, and salary cuts. These events were caused by the severe recession and rapid economic transformation during the early years of the transition. Approximately one-quarter of the sample reports that at least one of these events occurred in 19911995.The estimation results show that labor market shocks during the early transition years had long-term negative effects on overall individual health; these effects were observed 15 years after the start of the transition. Several robustness checks, including difference-in-difference estimation, confirm this result. Occupational downshifting and taking on additional work are associated with a higher probability of chronic gastrointestinal and spinal conditions for women and chronic kidney conditions for men. At the same time, job loss reduced the risk of stroke and chronic spinal problems for men. Finally, labor market shocks, and in particular, job loss, significantly increased the level of smoking and alcohol consumption both for men and women. This may be one of the channels of the negative effects of labor market shocks on health. Another channel supported by the results of the supplementary analysis is the loss of ones relative position in society in terms of income and power and the stress induced by this loss.This study contributes to the literature in several ways. First, it provides individual-level evidence on the long-term health effects of labor market shocks. Second, the study shows that in addition to job loss, other labor market changes, such as forced change of occupation resulting in a loss of human capital, have a negative effect on health. Third, this study contributes to the discussion of the Russian mortality crisis during the 1990s. While I do not study mortality directly, the negative effects of labor market shocks on overall health, as well as the increased probability of smoking, alcohol consumption and certain chronic health conditions, show that labor market shocks may be one of the causes of the increased mortality rates during the transition.The implications of this study are not limited to transition economies. These findings show that it is important to take into account potential effects on employees health when evaluating the consequences of the major labor market transformations caused by external shocks related to international trade or technological innovations.中文劳动力市场冲击对健康的影响：俄罗斯过渡时期的案例奥尔加拉扎列娃摘要在俄罗斯向市场经济过渡的头几年，许多人经历了一系列压力很大的劳动力市场事件，包括失业，减薪和未付款；有些人不得不换职业或从事其他工作。这些事件是由经济史无前例的结构性变化在外部引起的。这个自然实验提供了一个机会，可以评估各种劳动力市场冲击对个人健康和健康相关行为的因果影响。使用住户调查数据进行的倾向得分匹