




已阅读5页,还剩5页未读, 继续免费阅读
版权说明:本文档由用户提供并上传,收益归属内容提供方,若内容存在侵权,请进行举报或认领
文档简介
英译汉作业Voodoo Cities巫毒城市 The quality of urban life and culture have changed markedly throughout the western world since 1972. Before then we had urban renewal, public housing, tearing cities apart to make way for the car, suburbanisation, and mass production of urban environments in soulless modernist style. 自1972年以来整个西方世界的城市生活质量和文化发生了显著的变化。在此之前,我们进行了市区重建,公共住房建设,拆散城市措施,以便给交通让道,利于市郊化和大量生产没有灵魂的现代主义风格的城市设施。 There were abundant signs of unrest (inner city impoverishment, inadequate social provision, radical protest against the homogeneity and blandness of daily life). But they were tempered by a certain political commitment to do something about material needs, albeit within the constraints of the efficient and rational planning of urban life and space. 城市中有很多表明动荡的迹象(内城贫困,社会供应不足,对同质化和日常生活的平淡发起地的激进抗议)。但由于政府特定的政治承诺,即要采取一些有关民众物质需求的办法,以致这些迹象逐渐缓和,虽然仅局限于城市生活和空间的有效而合理的规划。 Since 1972, however, a whole new urban vocabulary has come into play. Words like “gentrification” and “yuppie”, styles like postmodernism, the creation of spaces of play and spectacle, the imitation or preservation of past environments, the ceaseless promotion of almost anything that has glitz and glitter, are just some of the signs of radical change. 然而1972年以来,一个全新的城市词汇已经开始发挥作用。诸如像“绅士化”和“雅皮士”的词,后现代主义风格,对于游戏和眼镜领域的创造,对于过去城市设施环境的模仿和保留,和对几乎所有发亮发光事物的不断推广,而这些,仅是巨大改变中的一部分迹象而已。 Where we used to think of the city as a machine for working in, we now see it as an antique, a spectacle or even an image for living in. The city is no longer treated as an entity malleable for broad social ends, but as a college of spaces and people, of ephemeral events and fragmentary contacts. 过去我们把城市当做可以在里面工作的机器,而现在视它为可以在其中居住的一个古董,一个场面或是仅仅一个形象而已。城市不再被当做是可以满足许多社会需求的一个实体,而是一所学院,其间有场地,人群,短暂的事件和零碎的人与人间的接触。 We no longer plan the whole, but design the parts. We no longer renew, we rehabilitate and renovate. Aesthetics dominates ethics. Images dominate the narratives of coherent analysis. And in spite of noble rearguard actions, the overall political will to do anything about omnipresent urban discontents has faded. Our cities may be an arena of actual or impending social disaster but at least they look nicer. 我们不再规划整体,而是计划局部。我们不再彻底更新,仅仅是对旧事物修复和翻新。美学价值胜于伦理学。外在的形象的重要性胜于对连贯分析的叙述。且不论崇高的后卫行动,为解决无所不在的城市民怨而采取任何措施的总的政治意愿已经消退。我们的城市可能正是或即将是社会灾难的舞台,但至少他们看起来似乎更好。 I choose the year 1972 not because this is when Charles Jencks dates the symbolic shift from modernism to postmodernism in architecture and urban design. More significantly, 1972 was the last year of a postwar boom that had brought strong growth, significant gains in material living standards, relatively full employment and an expanding welfare state to most of the advanced capitalist world. 我之所以选择1972年,并不是因为是在这一年,查尔斯詹克斯确定了建筑和城市规划发展史上从现代主义到后现代主义的象征性转变,更重要的是因为,这是世界上最先进资本主义国家战后繁荣的最后一年,这一年出现了强劲的增长,物质水平的显著提高,比较充分的就业情况和福利范围不断扩大。 The recession of 1973-75 changed all that. It ushered in a difficult period of sluggish growth, high unemployment, diminishing real wages (offset by rising family incomes through increasing participation of women in the labour force), and widening disparities in the distribution of income. The restructuring of industry and commerce, through a combination of strong technological change and a revolution in telecommunications, generated marked shifts in the international division of labour. The increasing power of financial institutions, the rise of services and decline of manufacturing employment further confused matters. 1973到1975年间的经济衰退改变了这一情形。在这期间,经济增长缓慢,呈现出高失业率,实际工资下降(通过增加妇女参与劳动的方式以提高家庭收入才得以抵消差距),收入分配差距的扩大化等情况。工商业产业结构调整通过强大的技术变革与电讯革命的结合得以实现,结果导致了国际分工的显著变化。金融机构力量的增加,服务业越来越多的出现,制造业就业机会的降低,使现实的问题显得更加混乱。 Working-class power and institutions were put on the defensive. In the US, for example, President Nixon in 1973 declared that the urban crisis in the United States was over, thus signalling the first step in a progressive withdrawlal from state commitments to deal with problems of impoverishment and social deprivation. 工人阶级政权和机构都迫使采取守势。例如,在美国,尼克松总统于1973年宣布美国城市危机已经结束,从而标志着该国从此开始逐渐违背其所作的承诺,即处理社会贫困和供给不足问题。 While resistance varied throughout the capitalist world, the general trend this signalled was unmistakable. Expectations had to be revised downwards. New strategies for economic survival had to be found. 面对经济衰败,尽管资本主义世界内的抵制形式各有不同,但其显示出来的总体趋势是显而易见的。预期指数不得不被下调;需要发现新战略才得以在经济危机中生存。 Capitalism radically changed its spots from 1973 onwards. Volatility and insecurity, flexibility and mobility, replaced steady growth and planned development. The fate of individual cities depended on how they were situated in this maelstorm of change. 自从1973年以来,资本主义制度本质发生了根本性转变。波动和不安全感、灵活性与机动性,取代了以往的稳定增长和计划发展模式。每个城市的命运取决于它们在这次大风暴似的动荡中所处的实际情形。 Transformations in urban life, economy and culture have to be interpreted against such a background. Daily life has certainly changed. We eat green beans from Kenya, celery from California, potatoes from Egypt and drink a range of imported brews that would have been unthinkable 20 years ago. The whole worlds cuisine gets assembled in our cities with the same ease as we watch spectacles from around the world (the fall of a dictator, natural disasters, wars, the Olympics) in our living rooms.城市生活,经济和文化的转变,必须在这样的背景下得以解释。日常生活理所当然发生了变化。我们所吃的,是来自肯尼亚的青豆,加利福尼亚州的荠菜,埃及的土豆,所喝的,是各种各样的进口啤酒,而这些,都是20年前无法想象的。全世界的美食都聚集在我们的城市,如此轻而易举,就像我们在自己的居住处能观赏到全世界的景观(独裁者的垮台,自然灾害,战争,奥运会)一样。 But the new cosmopolitanism has its limits. The unemployed hustle a living, the homeless seek shelter, and the streets become more dangerous. Ethnic, racial and interethnic tensions increases as each group seeks to protect turf in a changeable and seemingly hostile global environment. The response to internationalism has often been extreme parochialism. 但是新的世界大同主义也是有其局限性的。失业的人苦苦谋生,无家可归的人寻求庇护所,从而城市街道变得更加危险。民族间、种族内和各种族间的紧张状态随着各个群体在一个变化无常且看似敌意的全球环境中努力保护其国土的过程中显得更加严峻,人们对于国际化形势所作出的反应往往是极端的狭隘。 City economies also had to adapt and to protect themselves; and in so doing they helped create a whole new cultural, economic and political world. Faced with restructuring, potential capital flight and spiralling unemployment, they began to explore four different policy options: 城市经济必须要适应环境,才能自我保护。这样做,才有助于建立一个全新的文化、经济和政治的世界。面对结构调整,潜在的资金流失,上升的失业率,他们开始探索四种不同的政策抉择:First pursue competitive advantages in the newly-emerging international division of labour by building on old employment strengths, perhaps disciplining local labour, investing in new infrastructures, or seeking out new growth industries.第一,在新出现的国际分工中争取竞争优势,通过以旧的就业优势为基础,可能是规范当地劳动力,投资新的基础设施建设,或是寻求新的发展产业。Second, pursue consumption revenues by turning cities into tourist lures of cultural-historical interest (which meant opening museums, exploring the heritage industry, building convention centres. ) 第二,通过将城市建设成为历史文化的旅游观光地来追求消费收入(这就意味着开放博物馆,探索遗产工业,以及建立会议中心)。Third, seek out the new control and command functions in finance and government that grew so powerfully in the 1970s and 1980s-the kind of solution that allowed NewYork to emerge from its bankruptcy of 1975 into a boom town and which, with Londons “big bang” of financial deregulation, put incredible pressure on development and housing prices in that city. 第三,在财政工作和政府管理中寻求新的控制和指挥职能。这一职能在20世纪70年代到80年代发展得如此之健全,纽约通过这一途径使得其从1975年的破产状态转变成一个繁华的城市,导致在城市发展和住房价格两方面给正面临金融自由化“大爆炸”的伦敦施加了极大的压力。Finally, try to snag redistributive resource from central government. With diminishing welfare provision, this meant concentrating on military contracts- a solution that gave impetus to Los Angeles, Bristol and Toulouse.最后,试图从中央政府获取再分配资源。随着福利的减少,这就意味着把更多精力投入到军事合同上,这种解决方案推动了洛杉矶,布里斯托尔和图卢兹等城市的发展。Above all, cities had to become much more entrepreneurial and competitive. The urban managerialism of the 1960s (making sure that social services were delivered and the streets kept clean) had to give way to a local interventionism in economic development that would generate jobs, a better tax base and improve local resources.最重要的是,城市应该变得更加企业化,且更具竞争力。20世纪60年代的城市管理主义(确保社会服务轮流交替进行,及保持街道清洁)不得不给当地一个经济发展中的干涉主义让步,这将产生更多就业机会,更好的税基以及改善当地的资源配置。This shift created institutional stress. In the United States, cities with a long tradition of civic boosterism and a larger leeway to take economic intiatives (such as tax breaks and subsidies) were at an advantage compared with their British counterparts. Many, like Baltimore and Boston, quickly switched into a mode of public-privated partnership to replace the declining support of federal and state governments.这种转变造成了体制上的压力。在美国,一些城市长久以来受到民众支持和拥护,便能以经济为出发点采取更大努力进行发展(例如赋税减免和补贴),这样与他们那些英国的竞争对手相比,就更具有优势。很多城市,例如巴尔的摩和波士顿,它们迅速转换到一种公众-私人的合伙模式,以替换来自联邦和地方政府日益削减的支持。How each city fared in this struggle for survival in a competitive and hostile world varied greatly, depending upon the mix of local circumstances, the institutional possibilities, as well as the power, cohesion and vision of that local alliance of civic leaders, unions, private business, and other interested groups that turned its head to local development. Like all speculative ventures, there were stories of seeming success and of failure. Baltimore turned itself around, we are told, by the spectacular success of the inner harbour redevelopment that now draws more visitors than Disneyland. But over-investment in shopping malls in Texas and in hotels in Atlanta put local financial institutions into bankruptcy, and many museums and convention centres struggle to maintain their hold on a notoriously fickle business.每个城市在这种充满竞争和敌意的世界里努力求生的方式有很大不同。这取决于多种因素的共同作用:当地实际情况,制度的潜在发展,以及权力,凝聚力和当地联盟公民领袖的抱负,工会,私营企业以及其他感兴趣并将其注意转向当地发展前景的一些组织群体。如同所有的投机性投资,其结局可能成功,也可能失败。巴尔的摩发生的极大转变告诉我们,通过举世瞩目的港内重建工作,如今该城市吸引到了比去迪斯尼乐园更多的游客。但是对德克萨斯州的商贸中心和亚特兰大的旅馆的过多投资却导致了地方金融机构的破产,使得许多博物馆和会议中心需要努力争取,才得以维持在臭名昭彰且变化无常的商业中的原有地位。So how much of this kind of development is for real? And what kinds of social and economic consequences flow from sharpening inter-urban competition?那么这种发展有多少是真实可靠的呢?从城市内部竞争的转型和变化中,又能有什么样的社会经济成效呢?Cities are much more conscious now of the image they project. If money and development capital are highly mobile, then cities must increasingly function as lures for capital and for people (of the right sort, of course). And to do that they have to sell themselves and their image right.城市更在意的,是它们以怎样的形象展示在公众面前。如果说金钱与发展资本具有高度流动性,那么城市就应该迅速担当起成为吸引资金和人员的诱饵(或者是某一适当的角色,理所当然的)。要实现这一目标,城市需要有效地推销自我,展示城市形象。But behind a successful image may lie a different reality, Baltimores touted renaissance hides spiralling impoverishment in the inner city, a growth in social malaise that puts most social indicators that we used to worry about in the 1960s-housing provision, education, health care, real incomes, crime, drugs-on a downward track. Baltimores Harbor Peace is a carnival mask that covers over decline of almost everything else. It is the urban version of “voodoo economics” which resurrects the ancient Roman of formula of “bread and circuses” as a prospective means of social control.但是成功形象的背后可能存在着另一种的现实。巴尔的摩所吹捧的复兴背后隐藏着城市内部日益严重的贫困问题,及社会内部日渐上升的不满情绪。这些正是我们在20世纪60年代常常担忧的社会指数:提供住房,教育,卫生保健,实际收入,犯罪现象,毒品等出现一条倒退的轨道。巴尔的摩港之和平就像是一个狂欢节的面具,遮盖住了其他的消极一切事物。正是城市说法里“巫术经济学”一词复兴了古代罗马,使其脱离其旧时的“面包与马戏”之作为具有前瞻性的社会控制手段的模式。Creating an attractive urban image requires, however, a special approach to urban design. Here we find an modernism into postmodernism. The attention the latter pays to fiction and fantasy rather than function fits that world of voodoo economics. Yet the aggregate effect is to repeat successful designs from one city to another with monotonous regularity. We find the same Benetton shop in a serially reproduced shopping mall in almost every city we choose to visit. 然而,创造一个具有吸引力的城市形象需要一种特殊的设计方法。这里,我们发现了从现代主义到后现代主义的方法。后现代主义对于科幻小说和幻想的关注性,而非其本身职能更符合巫术经济学世界的要求。然而总的效果是从一座城市重复成功的设计经验到另一座单调的规律性城市。我们几乎在所选择的游览的每一座城市都看到了贝纳通店反复出现在一系列的商贸大街上。Worse still, the subsidy offered to development takes resources away from the poor and puts them into the hands of the already well-heeled. The impact on real incomes is regressive rather than progressive. Subsidising the yuppies to stay in town, the middle class to visit museums, and industralists not to flee to HongKong takes the place of social services to the poor. Of course, not all urban governments choose, or even need, to take that path, but inter-urban com
温馨提示
- 1. 本站所有资源如无特殊说明,都需要本地电脑安装OFFICE2007和PDF阅读器。图纸软件为CAD,CAXA,PROE,UG,SolidWorks等.压缩文件请下载最新的WinRAR软件解压。
- 2. 本站的文档不包含任何第三方提供的附件图纸等,如果需要附件,请联系上传者。文件的所有权益归上传用户所有。
- 3. 本站RAR压缩包中若带图纸,网页内容里面会有图纸预览,若没有图纸预览就没有图纸。
- 4. 未经权益所有人同意不得将文件中的内容挪作商业或盈利用途。
- 5. 人人文库网仅提供信息存储空间,仅对用户上传内容的表现方式做保护处理,对用户上传分享的文档内容本身不做任何修改或编辑,并不能对任何下载内容负责。
- 6. 下载文件中如有侵权或不适当内容,请与我们联系,我们立即纠正。
- 7. 本站不保证下载资源的准确性、安全性和完整性, 同时也不承担用户因使用这些下载资源对自己和他人造成任何形式的伤害或损失。
最新文档
- 辽宁省沈阳市数学试卷
- 衢州2024数学试卷
- 小型铲车售卖合同范本
- 2025年污水站运行试题及答案
- 2025年海船船员适任理论考试(船舶辅机8303)(轮机部)模拟试题及答案
- 熔块加工合同范本
- 供货合同范本文档
- 通道施工方案
- 燃气改造施工方案
- 六上金程数学试卷
- 超超临界机组简介课件
- 《语言学教程》第 2 章 语音学与音位学1课件
- 大学辅导员常规学生工作清单一览表
- 奥维互动地图使用介绍课件
- 小学语文新课程标准最新版2022
- 疫情防控实战演练方案脚本
- 资产评估事务所投标服务方案总体工作方案评估工作关键性内容及重难点分析
- 思想道德与法治全册教案
- (高职)旅游景区服务与管理电子课件完整版PPT全书电子教案
- 拆卸与安装油箱加油管
- 某国有企业精细管理降本增效经验交流汇报材料企业降本增效.doc
评论
0/150
提交评论