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2 THEORY OF URBAN PLANNING 2 1 What is a City Most of our housing and city planning has been handicapped because those who have undertaken the work have had no clear notion of the social functions of the city They sought to derive these functions from a cursory1 survey of the activities and interests of the contemporary urban scene And they did not apparently suspect that there might be gross deficiencies misdirected efforts mistaken expenditures here that would not be set straight by merely building sanitary tenements or straightening out and widening irregular street 大多数住房和城市规划的不完满是因为我们已经开展的工作没有清楚的城 市功能社会化的概念 他们试图从当代都市景象的活动与利益中的一个粗略的 调查来获得这些功能 显然他们没有怀疑这可能有严重的不足 误导努力的方 向 在这错误的支出 将不会仅仅直接采用建设卫生的住宅或者整顿和拓宽不 规则的道路 The city as a purely physical fact has been subject to numerous investigations But what is the city as a social institution I would like sum up the sociological concept of the city in the following terms 城市作为一个纯粹的物理事实一直受到众多调查 但是 城市作为一种社 会制度是什么 我想在以下方面总结城市的社会学概念 The city is a related collection of primary groups and purposive associations the first like family and neighborhood are common to all communities2 while the second are especially characteristic of city life These varied groups support themselves through economic organizations that are likewise of a more or less corporate or at least publicly regulated and they are all housed in permanent structures within a relatively limited area The essential physical means of a city s existence are the fixed site the durable shelter the permanent facilities for assembly interchange and storage the essential social means are the social division of labor which serves not merely the economic life but the cultural processes The city in its complete sense then is a geographic plexus an economic organization an institutional process a theater of social action and an aesthetic3 symbol of collective unity The city fosters art and is art the city creates the theater that man s more purposive activities are focused and work out through conflicting and cooperating personalities events groups into more significant culminations 城市是主要群体和立意团体的相关集合 第一 像家人和邻里一样适用于 所有社区 而第二 尤其是城市生活的特点 这些不同的团体通过差不多同样 的企业或者至少是公开监管的经济组织来支撑他们自己 并且他们都坐落于一 个相对有限区域内的永久性建筑物中 固定的场地是一个城市存在必不可少的 物理手段 经久耐用的收容所 永久设施的组装 交换和存储 社会的基本手 段是社会劳动分工 不仅是提供经济上的生活 而且要有文化的过程 那么 完整意义上的城市是一个地理丛 一个经济组织 一个制度进程 一个社会行 为的剧院和一个团结集体的审美符号 城市促进和形成了艺术 城市创建了剧 院 那是人类更有目的的活动焦点 并且通过争论和合作的人 事 团体来得 出更重要的成就 Without the social drama that comes into existence through the focusing and intensification of group activity there is not a single function performed in the city that could not be performed and has not in fact been performed in the open country The physical organization of the city may deflate4 this drama or make it frustrate or it may through the deliberate efforts of art politics and education make the drama more richly significant as a stage set well designed intensifies and underlines the gestures for nothing that men have dwelt so often on the beauty or the ugliness of cities these attributes qualify men s social activities And if there is a deep reluctance on the part of the true city dweller to leave his cramped quarters for the physically more benign5 environment of a suburb even a model garden suburb his instincts are usually justified in its very opportunities for social disharmony and conflict the city creates drama the suburb lacks it 没有通过聚焦和集约化的组团活动来使社会剧的存在 在城市中这不是一 个单独功能的进行 那是在开放的国家无法执行的 而事实上也并没有执行 城市的物理组织可能使这部剧没有锐气或使其挫败 也可能通过刻意在艺术 政治 教育上的努力 来作为一个精心设计的舞台 使这个剧有更加丰富的意 义 加剧并强调着人类常常居住在美丽或是丑陋的城市的这种毫无意义的示意 这些属性符合人类的社会活动 并且如果一部分真正的城市居民极不愿意离开 自己的狭窄住处去物理环境更加良好的郊区或是一个公园式的郊区 他的直觉通 常是合理的 在这碰到社会的不和谐和斗争的机会很多 城市导演了这场戏 郊 区却是没有的 One may describe the city in its social aspect as a special framework directed toward the creation of differentiated opportunities for a common life and a significant collective drama As indirect forms of association with the aid of signs and symbols and specialized organizations supplement direct face to face intercourse the personalities of the citizens themselves become many faceted they reflect their specialized interests their more intensively trained aptitudes their finer discriminations6 and selections the personality no longer presents a more or less unbroken traditional face to reality as a whole Here lies the possibility of personal disintegration7 and here lies the need for reintegration through wider participation in a concrete and visible collective whole What men cannot imagine as a vague formless society they can live through and experience as citizens in a city Their unified plans and buildings become a symbol of their social relatedness and when the physical environment itself becomes disordered and incoherent8 the social functions that it harbors become more difficult to express 在社会方面可以这样描绘城市 作为一个特殊的指导体系去为一个共同的 生活和一个重要的集体剧去创造差异化的机会 有标志和符号的援助以及专门 组织作为间接形式的协会 补充了直接面对面的交流 市民自己的个性变得很 多样 他们反映自己的特殊爱好 他们更集中地锻炼了天赋 他们指出了区别 和选择 在现实面前个性作为一个整体几乎不再呈现出不间断的传统了 这里 的个体可能解散 并且这里需要通过更广泛地参与一个具体可见的整个集体来 再整合 什么人无法想象一个模糊的无形的社会 他们可以生活和体会在城市 中作为一个公民 他们的统一规划和建筑成为一种社会关联的象征 当物理环 境本身变得无序和混乱时 它怀有的社会功能将变得更加难以表达 One further conclusion follows from this concept of the city social facts are primary and the physical organization of a city its industries and its markets its lines of communication and traffic must be subservient9 to its social needs Whereas in the development of the city during the last century we expanded the physical plant recklessly and treated the essential social nucleus the organs of government and education and social service as mere afterthought today we must treat the social nucleus as the essential element in every valid city plan the spotting and inter relationship of schools libraries theaters community centers is the first task in defining the urban neighborhood and laying down the outlines of an integrated city 一个从城市概念中进一步得出的结论如下 社会真实是主要的 并且是一 个城市的物理组织 其行业和市场 通信的线路和交通 都必须屈从于它的社 会需求 然而在上个世纪城市的发展里 我们的扩大了物理设施并且处理了必 要的社会核心 而政府和教育及社会服务机构 仅仅作为可有可无的东西 今 天我们必须把社会核心的基本要素运用在每一个有效的城市规划上 发现学校 图书馆 影剧院和社区中心的相互关系是在确定城市地区 划定一个的综合性 城市轮廓的第一位任务 2 2 Urban and Region 城市和地区 The character of urban environments is the outcome of the interplay of a host of private and public interests operating at a variety of geographical scales In order to understand the geography of towns and cities therefore it is necessary to look both within and beyond the settlement and to examine the complex of factors involved in urban changes at all levels of the global local continuum Although the factors and processes involved in urban development are not confined to any discrete level of the global local spectrum the concept of level of the analysis offers a useful organizing framework which simplifies the complexity of the real world and illustrates some of the issues of concern to urban planning at different spatial scales We can identify five main levels of analyses 城市环境的特点是指在多种地域范围内运营的一些私人和公共利益相互作用的 结果 因此 为了了解城镇和城市的地理 有必要考查其所处地区内外的环境 并且调查各种因素的复杂性 这些因素是涉及到全球各地连续各级城市变化的 虽然涉及到城市发展的因素和过程并不只限于全球局部范围的任何不相关等级 但是 分析等级 的概念提供了一个有用的组织框架 从而简化了复杂的真实 世界 并说明在不同的空间尺度的城市规划所关注的一些问题 我们可以找出 五个主要级别的分析 The Neighborhood 邻里 The neighborhood is the area immediately around one s home it usually displays some homogeneity in terms of housing type ethnicity or socio cultural values Neighborhoods may offer a locus for the formation of shared interests and development of community solidarity Issues of relevance to the urban planner at this level include the processes of local economic decline or revitalization residential segregation levels of service provision and the use of neighborhood political organizations as part of the popular struggle to control urban space 邻里是直接围绕在你家周围的区域 它通常在住房类型 种族或社会文化 价值观方面显示一些同质性 邻里可能会为共同利益的形成和社区团结的发展 提供一个轨迹 对于在这个级别的城市规划师 相关的问题还包括当地经济衰 退或复苏 居住隔离 提供服务水平的过程和邻里政治组织的利用 作为人民 斗争以控制城市空间的一部分 The City 城市 Cities are centers of economic production and consumption arenas of social networks and cultural activities and the seat of government and administration Urban planners examine the role of a city in the regional national and international economy and how the city s socio spatial form is conditioned by its role for example as a financial center or manufacturing base Study of the distribution of power in the city would focus on the behavior and biases of formal organizations as well as the informal arrangements by which public and private interests operate to influence government decision The differential socio spatial distribution of benefits and disbenefits in the city is also an important area of investigation in urban planning 城市是经济生产和消耗的中心 社交网络和文化活动的竞技场 也是政府 和管理的所在地 城市规划师调查一个城市在地区 国家与国际经济中的角色 以及城市的社会空间形式怎样受制于其角色 比如作为一个金融中心或者生产 基地 城市中权力分配的研究将关注于正规的组织的行为和偏差以及公共和私 人利益非正式的磋商操作影响政府决策 城市中有益和无益的城市空间分配差 别也是城市规划中一项重要的调查领域 The Region 区域 The spread of urban influence into surrounding rural areas and in particular the spatial expansion of cities have introduced concepts such as urban region metropolis conurbation10 and megalopolis11 into urban planning Issues appropriate to this level of analyses include the ecological footprint12 of the city land use conflict on the urban fringe growth management strategies and forms of metropolitan governance 城市影响周围农村地区的传播 尤其是城市空间扩展被引入类似城市地区 大都市 集合城市 特大城市到城市规划的概念对于这种级别的分析 问题适 当的包括了城市的生态足迹 城市边缘土地利用的冲突 发展管理策略和大都 市管理的形式 The actual rate and amount of a city s growth depends on the size of its economic base A city s economic base13 consists of those economic functions that involve the manufacture processing or trading of goods or the provision of services for markets beyond the city itself Activities that provide income generating exports for a city are termed basic functions14 In contrast non basic functions15 are those that cater to the city s own population and so do not generate profit from outside customers Examples of non basic activities include local newspapers local bakeries and restaurants schools and local government 一个城市发展的实际速度和数量取决于其经济基础的规模 一个城市的经 济基础是由那些涉及产品制造 加工或交易或者为城市本身以外的市场提供服 务水平的经济功能组成 为城市提供增收的活动叫做基础功能 相反地 非基 础功能就是那些服务于城市自身群体 不从外部城市中产生利润的活动 非基 础活动的例子包括当地报纸 当地的面包店和餐馆 学校和当地政府 The fundamental determinant of cities growth in population employment and income in the world s core countries is the percentage of their economies that is devoted to basic activities The prosperity generated by basic economic activities leads to increased employment in non basic activities in order to satisfy the demand for housing utilities retailing personal services and other services The incomes generated by the combination of basic and non basic economic activities allow for higher potential tax yields which can be used to improve public utilities roads schools health services recreational amenities and other infrastructure improvements These activities are also non basic but they all serve to improve the efficiency and attractiveness of the city for further rounds of investment in basic economic activities 在世界核心国家中城市人口增长 就业和收入的基本决定因素在于其致力 于基本活动的经济百分比 由基本经济活动产生的繁荣将增加非基本活动中为 了满足住房需求 公用事业公司 零售 个人服务和其他服务的就业 由基本 活动和非基本经济活动的结合产生的收入估计有更高的潜在的税收收益 可以 用来改善公共设施 道路 学校 医疗服务 休闲娱乐设施和其他基础设施的 提高 这些活动也是非基本活动 但他们都有助于提高城市的效率和吸引力 为进一步基本经济活动提供循环投资 How Regional Economic Cores are Created 区域经济核心是怎样产生的 Regional cores of economic development are created cumulatively following some initial advantage through the operation of several of the basic principles of economic geography that we have described These principles center on external economies16 or agglomeration effects17 that are associated with various kinds of economic linkages and interdependencies The trigger for these agglomeration effects can be any kind of economic development the establishment of a trading port or the growth of a local industry or any large scale enterprise The external economies and economic linkages generated by such developments represent the initial advantage that tends to stimulate a self propelling process of local economic development 区域经济发展的核心是累积地 根据一些最初的优势 通过经营我们所描 述的经济地理一些基本原则而创造的 这些原则集中在在外部经济 或聚集效 应 引起各种各样的经济联系和相互依赖关系 引发这些集聚效应可以是任何 类型的经济发展 建立一个贸易港口 或者一个当地的产业的增长或任何大规 模的企业 外部经济和经济联系所产生的这种发展代表了最初的优势 往往会 刺激当地经济发展过程的自我推进 Given the location of a new economic activity in an area a number of interrelated effects come into play Backward linkages develop as new firms arrive to provide the growing industry with components supplies specialized services or facilities Forward linkages develop as new firms arrive to take the finished products of the growing industry and use them as inputs to their own processing assembly finishing packaging or distribution operations Together with the initial growth the growth in these linked industries helps to create a threshold of activity large enough to attract ancillary industries and activities maintenance and repair recycling security and business services for example 考虑到在一个地区一个新的经济活动的位置 许多相关的效应开始起作用 新公司发展后向联系到与组件提供增长的行业 供应专业服务或设施 新公司 的前向关联发展到以产品不断增长的工业和使用它们作为输入自己的加工 配 装 涂装 包装 或分销业务 联同最初的成长 这些链接产业的发展有助于 创建一个极限 临界值 足够大的活动来吸引辅助行业和活动 例如维护和修 理 回收 安全 和商业服务 The existence of these interrelated activities establishes a pool of specialized labor with the kinds of skills and experience that make the area attractive to still more firms Meanwhile the linkages between all these firms help to promote interaction between professional and technical personnel and allow for the area to support R the subject is slippery and explanations are often frustratingly tautological or disappointingly pedestrian19 There are four principal reasons for this difficulty First many of the fundamental questions concerning planning belong to a much broader inquiry concerning the role of the state in social and social transformation Consequently planning theory appears to overlap with theory in all the social science disciplines and it becomes hard to limit its scope or to stake out a turf 地盘 势力范围 specific to planning Second the boundary between planners and related professionals such as real estate developers architects city council members is not mutually exclusive 相互排斥的 互不相容 的 planners don t just plan and nonplanners also plan Third the field of planning is divided into those who define it according to its object land use patterns of the built and natural environments and those who do so by its method the process of decision making Finally many fields are defined by a specific set of methodologies Yet planning commonly borrows the diverse methodologies from many different fields and so its theoretical base cannot easily be drawn from its tools of analysis Taken together this considerable disagreement over the scope and function of planning and the problems of defining who is actually a planner obscure the delineation of an appropriate body of planning theory Whereas most scholars can agree on what constitutes the economy and the polity and thus what is economic or political theory they differ as to the content of planning theory 不太容易定义规划理论 这门学科是棘手的 解释通常是令人沮丧的同义 反复或者是令人失望的平庸无味 关于这个困难这有四个主要原因 第一 许 多关于规划的基本问题属于一个更广泛的关于国家在社会和社会转型中角色的 调查 因此 规划理论似乎与理论重叠 在所有的社会科学学科中 它变得很 难限制其范围或者坚持地盘特定规划 第二 规划师和相关专业人员 比如房 地产开发商 建筑师 市政府成员 的界限并不相互排斥 规划师不仅规划 非规划师也规划 第三 规划的领域被分为那些根据它的对象来定义 土地利 用模式的建筑和自然环境 和那些根据它的方法 决策的过程 最终 许多领 域都有一组方法来定义 然而 规划通常借用了来自不同领域的不同方法论 因此它的理论基础不可能简单的通过分析方法来提取 综上所述 在规划范围 和功能上的相当大的分歧和定义谁实际上是一个规划师模糊界定一个规划理论 的适当的主体问题 而大多数学者能就什么构成了经济和政体达成一致意见 因此什么是经济或政治理论 他们区别于规划理论的内容 The amorphous20 quality of planning theory means that practitioners largely disregard it In this respect planning resembles other academic disciplines Most politicians do not bother with political theory business people generally do not familiarize themselves with econometrics and many community organizers do not concern themselves with social theory Planning as a practical field of endeavor however differs from other activities in its claim to be able to predict the consequences of its actions Planners need to generalize from prior experience if they are to practice their craft In their day to day work planners may rely more on intuition21 than explicit theory yet this intuition may in fact be assimilated theory In this light theory represents cumulative professional knowledge Though many practicing planners may look upon the planning theory of their graduate education as inert and irrelevant and see in their professional work a kind of homespun in the trenches pragmatism theory allows one to see the conditions of this pragmatism Just as Keynes22 warned of being an unwitting slave to the ideas of a defunct economist we believe that it is also possible to be a slave to the ideas of a defunct planning theorist 规划理论不成形的质量意味着从业者在很大程度上忽视它 在这方面规划 类似其它学术科目 大多数政治家并不理会政治理论 商业人士一般不熟悉计 量经济法 许多社区组织者并不关心社会理论 然而 规划作为一个实际努力 的领域 它不同于其它活动能够声称可以预测其行为的后果 规划者如果要练 习他们的工艺就需要概括总结先前的经验 在他们日常工作中 规划者可能要 更多的依赖直觉而不是明确的理论 然而这个直觉可能实际上是被同化了的理 论 在这种情况下 理论代表累积的专业知识 尽管许多工作的规划者可能是 研究生教育的规划理论看做呆板的和不相关的 以及看到在其专业工作一种朴 素的 快节奏的实用主义理论来允许一个人看到了这个 实用主义 的条件 正如凯恩斯警告作为一个不知情的奴隶思想的一个已故经济学家 我们相信 它也可能是一个奴隶的思想一个规划理论家 We do not envision completely eliminating the gap between theory and practice doing so would deny the power of each Often decried this gap can structure a powerful creative tension between the two Nevertheless we do believe that theory can inform practice Planning theory is not just some idle chattering at the margins of the field If done poorly it discourages and stifles but if done well it defines the field and drives it forward We address themselves to the questions planners must ask if they are to be effective and we include case studies of planning in action with this purpose in mind 我们不想完全消除理论与实践之间的差距 这样做将会否认各自的力量 经常被 描述为 这两者之间的差距可以构建一个强大的创造性张力 然而 我们相信 理论可以指导实践 规划理论不是一些闲置的喋喋不休的边缘领域 如果做得 不好 它阻碍和扼杀但如果做得好 它明确了领域 并推动它向前 我们致力 于规划的问题要问他们是否是有效的 我们有这个目的的行动规划的案例研究 Beyond this intention we aim to establish a theoretical foundation that provides not only a field with a common structure for scientific inquiry but also a means for defining what planning is especially in the intimidating company of more established academic disciplines Theory allows for both professional and intellectual self reflection It t
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