TRANSPORT AND SUSTAINABLE LIVELIHOODS

1、transport and sustainable livelihoods by p. r. fouracre, international division, trl 1. introduction the british governments policy on international development underlines a commitment to the elimination of poverty, in line with internationally agreed development targets (dfid, 1997). the strategy a

2、dopted by the department for international development (dfid) to achieve this aim has three main components: policies and actions which promote sustainable livelihoods better education, health and opportunities for poor people protection and better management of the natural and physical environment

3、in developing strategies to achieve these goals, dfid and like-minded donors are currently promoting a sustainable livelihoods approach. a policy of sustainable livelihoods focuses not on the needs of the rural poor, but rather, builds on the existing assets of the poor, both at the community level,

4、 and as individuals. a sustainable rural livelihoods (srl)1 framework can be used in helping the rural poor to improve their lives and strengthen the sustainability of their livelihoods. the holistic framework which has been developed by dfid is intended to: define the scope of and provide the analy

5、tic basis for livelihood analysis help those concerned with supporting srl to understand and manage the complexity of rural livelihoods become a shared point of reference for all concerned with supporting livelihoods, enabling the complementarity of contributions and the trade-offs between outcomes

6、to be assessed provide the basis for the development of a set of concrete intermediate objectives which dfid should pursue with its partners as a means to supporting the development of srl. the purpose of this paper is to examine how transport development contributes to the sustainable livelihoods a

7、pproach, and also how future transport research might adopt and integrate the ideas embedded in srl. the early part of the paper draws considerably on the work which has been co-ordinated and documented by the dfid sustainable livelihoods support office, and also the dfid natural resource advisors c

8、onference (1998) which began the debate in dfid2. 1 most of the development work on the sustainable livelihoods approach has been in the rural context. dfid are currently in the process of extending the approach to the urban environment through the sustainable urban livelihoods initiative. 2 there a

9、re also a number of other references, particularly emanating from the overseas development institute (odi) and the institute for development studies (ids). for example boyd et al (1999), brock (1999), chambers (1995), farrington et al (1999), ashley and carney (1999), and carney et al (1999). 2 2. s

10、ustainable livelihoods a livelihood comprises the capabilities, assets (including both material and social resources) and activities required for a means of living. a livelihood is sustainable when it can cope with and recover from stresses and shocks and maintain or enhance its capabilities and ass

11、ets both now and in the future, while not undermining the natural resource base. (dfid, 1999) key components of the framework for analysing the livelihoods of individuals and the community are their capital assets, their vulnerability context and the transforming structures (layers of organisations

12、both in the private and government sectors) and processes (laws, policies, incentives) which shape and influence the livelihood strategies which they adopt. the framework for their interaction is illustrated in figure 1. the capital assets are grouped as: natural capital: the natural resource stocks

13、 from which resource flows useful for livelihoods are derived (including land, water, wildlife, biodiversity, environmental resources) social capital: the social resources upon which people draw in pursuit of livelihoods (i.e. networks, membership of groups, relationships of trust, access to wider i

14、nstitutions of society). human capital: the skills, knowledge, ability to labour and good health important to the ability to pursue different livelihood strategies. physical capital: the basic infrastructure (transport, shelter, water, energy and communications) and the production equipment and mean

15、s which enable people to pursue their livelihoods. financial capital: the financial resources which are available to people (whether savings, supplies of credit or regular remittances or pensions) and which provide them with different livelihood options. 3 the vulnerability context is particularly i

16、mportant as it indicates the nature of trends, shocks and culture, and the ability of the poor to withstand their impact. in addition, it is vital to understand the structures and processes which define peoples livelihood options. these structures and processes are critical in determining who gains

17、access to the various assets, and in influencing the effective value of each asset. the livelihood strategies which individuals adopt reflect their choices in building on their assets: gaining more from a livelihood through increased agricultural production (more outputs per unit area with increased

18、 capital or labour inputs), or by cultivating more land. alternatively, there may be opportunities to diversify into off-farm income-earning activities, or to seek a livelihood by moving away temporarily or permanently. these combinations of activities which make up a livelihood strategy are known a

19、s a livelihood portfolio. a portfolio will be diversified over time, and between households, communities and generations; hence the composition of livelihood strategies is a dynamic element of sustainable livelihoods, and as such requires a historical analytical approach. the transport sector is ass

20、ociated largely with improvements in physical capital. however, access to transport and other services such as schools, health clinics and markets is integral and contributory to the development of all the capital assets; hence transport practitioners have a significant role to play in understanding

21、 and supporting sustainable livelihoods as part of a multi-sectoral analysis of community life. in summary, the implementation of a sustainable livelihoods approach requires the active participation of all sectors which have a vested interest in increasing the capital assets of communities. at issue

22、 for the transport sector is how it should be perceived within this analytical framework, and what sorts of contribution it can make towards the promotion of sustainable livelihoods. 3. the transport environment it is convenient to differentiate between urban and rural contexts to contrast the extre

23、mes of transport characteristics and operating environments. perhaps the key point of contrast between urban and rural transport is that the former exhibits chronic congestion, usually on a grand scale, while the latter is poorly provided and perhaps as a consequence, used sparingly. inevitably, how

24、ever, these two characterisations present a very limited picture of the possible variations and other scenarios which exist. in particular, the peri-urban environment, which bridges the urban-rural divide, has a different set of norms and conditions not covered by the outline of rural and urban cond

25、itions described below. 3.1 the rural context the main factors which characterise a typical rural transport environment are the low population densities, low levels of economic activity (and hence low incomes), low vehicle ownership levels (of any description, including non-motorised vehicles), infe

26、rior provision of roads (both quality and quantity), and near absence of regular transport services. given these difficult conditions, travel still takes place though at very low levels of participation by comparison with, say urban communities. the case-study of household travel 4 in the meru distr

27、ict of kenya (airey and cundill, 1998) illustrates this point. a panel survey of 300 households in twelve villages was undertaken during the development of a new all- weather road giving these communities better access. during the survey periods, household travel rates in this relatively remote regi

28、on varied between an average of 5.0 and 11.2 journeys per month. the majority of these journeys (between one fifth and one third) were in connection with work (both for paid and self-employment, as well as for working on the household farm). some 20 to 26% of travel was generated by shopping and mar

29、keting needs, while 13-14% of trips were for health-care needs and 17-20% connected with social purposes. the amount of school travel was extremely small (between 2 and 6% of household journeys), reflecting limited up-take in secondary school attendance. more than 95% of journeys took place within t

30、he district, and most were urban oriented. figure 2 illustrates the relationship between journey making and income for the four main journey purposes. there is a close and significant correlation between the frequency of journeys, and income, for most journey purposes. however, the amount of social,

31、 and to a lesser degree health, journeys are less obviously income related. the study found that the relative and absolute importance of agricultural incomes were influenced by widely different commodity production and sales experience quite unrelated to the effect of the new road (agricultural prod

32、uction being dominated by the major export crops, tea and coffee). however the amount of travel increased substantially (particularly in the short term) after completion of the road, due to a reduction in transport prices. undoubtedly, much of this increased travel was from amongst higher income gro

33、ups (a strong positive relationship between household income and the frequency of work and shopping trips, for example), but social trips seemed to be inelastic to income, the poor having as much need as the rich to attend to family affairs. 3.2 the urban context in the urban context, transport is a

34、n integral part of the city fabric. it is the way in which the great urban service and manufacturing industries are supplied with their manpower inputs; not surprisingly, a high proportion of household trips are work related. cities present a range of development characteristics, dynamic growth patt

35、erns, transport infrastructure and operations, and social customs that defy all but the broadest figure 2: household travel (meru district, 1989) 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 worksocialshoppinghealthtotal journey purpose average household journeys per month low income 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 high income 5 generalisat

36、ions. daily trip rates per capita are in the range 1.5-2.5, and it is usual to find that 5-10 per cent (15-25 per cent in poorer households) of household income is spent on transport. because incomes are low, the majority of trips will be undertaken on either some form of non-motorised transport (pr

37、incipally walk or bicycle) or one of the many forms of public transport. the latter will be particularly important in providing for longer trip lengths, which make up a larger proportion of travel as cities expand in area. thus as cities become larger, travel demand grows at a disproportionately hig

38、her rate and there is a greater dependence on public transport for travel needs, particularly (but not exclusively) from the urban poor. figure 3 shows how mode choice for employment trips in delhi is influenced by both income and intended travel distance. as trip length increases, the dependence on

39、 bus increases. this relationship is most marked for low income travellers. public transport, potentially the most efficient carrier and that which serves the majority of travellers, has a poor record of service delivery in the often chaotic traffic conditions; journey times and waiting times are lo

40、ng, irregular and unreliable. and because of the poor productivity of buses, together with a low revenue earning potential, the financial position of operators is often weak. in these circumstances the prospect for improved public transport services is grim; operators cannot afford new investment wh

41、en they cannot even afford the depreciation on existing stock. 4. impact of transport on livelihood assets 4.1 natural capital transport development may bring in its wake the problem of environmental degradation. this is not just an urban problem, associated with the high volumes of traffic (air pol

42、lution, noise and severance). rural road construction can have profound ill-effects on, for example, slope stability, erosion and natural drainage patterns. of these, erosion is thought to have the major environmental impact. mitigation measures to control erosion can be included in the designs (e.g

43、. appropriate drainage channels and culverts) as well as in the implementation figure 3: mode choice (delhi, 1984) 0 20 40 60 80 100 0.51.547.512.517.522.527.5 journey distance (km) proportion of all employment trips for given journey distance (%) walk: low income walk: high income cycle: low income

44、 bus: low income bus: high income 6 (e.g. quickly establishing vegetation on exposed slopes). the method of implementation may also contribute to reduced environmental damage; thus labour-based (as opposed to heavy machinery) operations may be better deployed due to the greater precision and sensiti

45、vity of application that is possible (mccormick, 1990). the indirect environmental impacts of rural transport development are much less easy to predict, because they are likely to be of a long-term nature. changes in land-use may result from the greater accessibility due to improved roads and servic

46、es. roads which have been used to open up the tropical rain forests of brazil, have encouraged the development of settled farming communities, but at the expense of the indigenous peoples livelihoods, and at the expense of the natural ecology. 4.2 social capital at the heart of the social developmen

47、t approach is an understanding that the behaviour of each of us is determined not just by economic rationalism. each persons response to the development challenge is also shaped by the society, culture and historical moment in which he or she lives. in analysing society and culture we recognise that

48、 the behaviour of individuals is determined by structures and networks of social relationships and obligation - and by shared knowledge and values. it is only by a process of shared respect between indigenous knowledge and values and technical skills can sustainability be achieved, (oda, 1993). trav

49、el is evidently an essential component of the livelihoods of most individuals; it is the main means by which local communities and individuals access the outside world, and as such, the means for selling their output (produce and labour) and provisioning their needs. it is also the means of access t

50、o other facilities and services (which may be uneconomic to provide locally), and a means to social bonding and development (the social capital of livelihoods analysis). these are the benefits of transport which contribute to livelihood, and which cost benefit analysis has difficulty capturing. many

51、 surveys have indicated that while transport development has improved the condition of the poor, the very poor are unlikely to be affected. they often do not have a sufficient standard of living to take advantage of transport improvements. in zambia these were the families who owned little livestock

52、 and little land, who could not grow more cotton, and therefore could not take advantage of reduced marginal transport costs (hine et al, 1998). a study of rural travel in tanzania (dawson and barwell, 1993) showed that women undertake 75% of all transport tasks. however, women are less likely to be

53、 able to take advantage of rural transport improvements (such as better public transport services) as they are less likely to possess their own independent source of income. women comprise one of the major categories of the socially excluded, their subjugation being a common feature of rural societi

54、es in the developing world. transport improvements need to take into account the needs and social responsibilities of women so as to avoid the benefits of any programme being enjoyed disproportionately by men. 4.3 human capital transport development provides employment, but also raises exposure to t

55、raffic and traffic accidents. road safety issues are particularly important, if for no other reason than that they are a major cost to society (consuming perhaps 1-2% of gross national product in lost output 7 and the commitment of medical and police resources). furthermore, fatality rates are very

56、much higher in the poorer countries, as compared to the industrialised world (figure 5). traffic accidents directly impinge on livelihoods of individuals, families and communities; in the absence of insurance, free health-care or other government support, households are vulnerable to the loss of ear

57、nings (temporary or permanent) when productive family members are incapacitated as a result of a traffic accident. the poor probably suffer disproportionately, since they are less able to meet medical expenses, and have less resources to fall back on in the event of prolonged incapacity. they may al

58、so be more at risk on the roads, because they are perhaps more likely to be walking in unprotected conditions vulnerable to traffic. the employment generation of transport construction and service industries is an important component of any economy. in the urban context, transport services which hav

59、e a large component of intermediate public transport (particularly non-motorised forms like cycle- rickshaws) are highly labour intensive. for example, in dhaka, chittagong and khulna there are thought to be almost 300,000 cycle-rickshaws which employ over half a million people (gallagher, 1992), an

60、d which are the main source of livelihood for perhaps as many households. furthermore, the livelihoods issue spills over into the rural context, since many of the rickshaw-pullers are rural based, working in the city during the low part of the farming season. labour based techniques for construction