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1、MindfulMedicaidNudging expectant mothers and childrentoward preventive careA report by the Center for Government InsightsCOVER IMAGE BY: JON KRAUSEDeloittes Medicaid state health practice solution aims to assist states with effectively addressing key implementation challenges from new federal mandat

2、es and, within their Medicaid programs, continuing Medicaid cost reduction efforts, and ongoing services, such as Medicaid rate setting.CONTENTSIntroduction|2CouldMedicaidbeuniquelypositionedtohelpaddressmaternal and childhealth?|3When choice overload impacts prenatal care|5Messaging: Leveraging the

3、 power of social proof|6Program tools: Use reminders and formalcommitments to motivate expectant mothers|9Getting started: Bringing these insightsback to your state|11Endnotes|12Mindful MedicaidIntroductionIto greet her, you look at her chart and learn thatMAGINE youarean obstetrician. Awoman comest

4、he past. But there are also behavioral factors, such as smoking, drinking, and using drugs. Lack of or delayed prenatal care also contributes to the likeli-hood of a preterm birth.2into the hospital in active labor. Before going inshe is 29 weeks pregnant. Shes about to have apreterm baby, and you b

5、egin to worry about some of the outcomes associated with premature birth: learning and behavioral problems, lung conditions, vision and hearing loss, and childhood disability.1 You draw on all your years of training and the latest advances in medical treatment to increase the like- lihood of a posit

6、ive outcome, but you wonder how,if at all, a preterm birth could have been prevented.Preterm birth impacts one in ten babies in the United States, a rate that is higher than in other developed countries.3 On top of the social, medi- cal, and financial hardships incurred by families whose babies are

7、born with health problems, the cost to society is significant as well: By one estimate, the minimum annual cost of each preterm birth is$51,600, which includes medical care, maternal de- livery costs, early intervention services, and special education services.4 In health care costs alone, pre- term

8、 babies cost, on average, 10 times more than full-term babies during the first year ($38,438 vs.$3,953 in 2012).5There are many factors that put babies at risk for preterm birth. Some are biological and medical fac- tors. Teens and older women are at higher risk of having a preterm baby, as are wome

9、n carrying morethan one child or who have had premature babies in2Nudging expectant mothers and children toward preventive careCould Medicaid be uniquely positioned to help addressmaternal and child health?Mthe United States.6 As a result, MedicaidEDICAID covers roughly one-half of allPregnant women

10、 who qualify for Medicaid are, by definition, low or moderate income. Pregnant teenagers are disproportionately covered by the program.12 Some populations covered by Medicaid, especially those with lower incomes, may face a host of barriers to accessing health care services, even when theyre free. T

11、hese can include, butarent limited to, difficulties accessing transporta- tion, lack of child care, and homelessness.13 Taken together, these factors can make the adoption of healthy prenatal care and behaviors more difficult. While improving maternal and child health in the Medicaid population is n

12、ot a simple task, insightsfrom behavioral economics may be applicable.childbirths and 40 percent of children inbudgets are disproportionately impacted by thehealth care costs associated with preterm births. Pregnant women on Medicaid are also more likely than women with private insurance to wait unt

13、il their last trimester to receive prenatal care or to skip prenatal care altogether, which places them at high-er risk of having a baby with birth complications.7Given the costs associated with preterm birth, the Center for Medicare and Medicaid Services (CMS) and state Medicaid agencies across the

14、 country have a financial incentive to reduce the incidence of preterm birth. Because Medicaid and managed care plans play such a significant role in the health care of pregnant women and children, they are also uniquely positioned to influence the healthoutcomes of large portions of the population.

15、Focus the microscope: Drawing from behavioralscienceto promote maternal and childhealthBehavioral science incorporates aspects of stan- dard economics, psychology, and neuroscience to better understand why people often make economic decisions that arent necessarily rational, including those related

16、to health and wellness. (See the sidebar “A Deloitte series on behavioral economicsand management” for more information.)Medicaid programs and Medicaid managed care organizations (MCOs) have undertaken a variety of initiatives to improve birth outcomes and childhood wellness. Many states provide nic

17、otine replacement therapy (NRT), medication, and smoking cessa- tion counseling to pregnant women.8 A number of Medicaid agencies have engaged the Nurse-Family Partnership, a nonprofit that arranges home visits from registered nurses to low-income, first-time mothers. The partnership provides women

18、with knowledge and support to help them have healthy pregnancies and take care of their children.9 A number of states have implemented programs in which monetary rewards are offered to women who attend prenatal or well-baby visits.10 Some of these programs have been successful, some less so, andsome

19、 are still being evaluated.11New and expectant mothers face many decisions, including but not limited to health-related deci- sions, and they may not have the time or energy to devote toward wellness. Programs that empower pregnant women and new parents to undertake healthy behaviors more easily may

20、 be helpful inencouraging actions that align to positive long-term3Mindful Medicaidoutcomes. Interventions that accomplish this objec-tive are often referred to as nudges.14behavioral nudges can be applied to at least threeareas relevant to Medicaid:Nudges incorporate low-touch and often low-cost me

21、thods that help people take action now for the benefit of their future selves. To tap into Medicaid participants intrinsic motivations, behavioralnudges can be infused into a number of policy1.Messaging. Communications that incorpo- rate behavioral messaging can resonate with people to spur new acti

22、on. This may include leaning on positive peer pressure to encourageproactive behavior.tools. Both within health initiatives andbeyond,2.Choice architecture. Government programs can sometimes be heavy on technical language and light on user-friendly design.15 Little things like considering what barri

23、ers exist in program initiatives or even what the default option is canhave disproportionate effects on outcomes.3.Program tools. The tools provided to Medicaid participants can have a significant impact on behavior without requiring large system over- hauls. These could be as simple as providing pa

24、rticipants with resources to make a plan fordoctor visits.To illustrate how program directors can take these insights back to their own states and work with MCOs to implement them, this article dives into how behavioral design and nudges can increase prenatal care engagement and establish positiveea

25、rly childhood wellness practices.4A DELOITTE SERIES ON BEHAVIORAL ECONOMICS AND MANAGEMENTBehavioral economics is the examination of how psychological, social, and emotional factors often conflict with and override economic incentives when individuals or groups make decisions. This article is part o

26、f a series that examines the influence and consequences of behavioral principles on the choices people make related to their work. Collectively, these articles, interviews, and reports illustrate how understanding biases and cognitive limitations is a first step to developing countermeasures that li

27、mit their impact on an organization. For more information visit / collection/behavioral-insights/.Nudging expectant mothers and children toward preventive careWhen choiceoverloadimpacts prenatal careWparents are often faced with a large num-HEN it comes to preparing for the birthmuc

28、h information), people become overwhelmedand in many cases, delay making any choice at all.of a child, expectant mothers and newChoice overload can be a challenge in even the most mundane situations. In one study, shoppers were separated into two groups and were presented with a choice of either six

29、 or 24 jams. Though more people stopped to look at the 24-jam selection, the group that was presented with six jams was eighttimes more likely to actually make a purchase.17ber of choices. Early on in their pregnancies, women are typically asked to attend a number of regular doctors visits, take a v

30、ariety of supplements suchas prenatal vitamins, abstain from smoking and al-cohol consumption, and maintain a healthy weight. One reason why expectant moms may find it difficult to adhere to parts of their prenatal regimen is be- cause they may feel overwhelmed by the number of choices they are bein

31、g asked to make.16 Which ones are most important? Which seem achievable? In the behavioral sciences, this phenomenon is calledchoice overload: When having to decide betweenWhile forgoing a decision on which jam to buy is fairly low stakes, choice deferral for prenatal health activities can have more

32、 significant consequences. The behavioral sciences can help address choice overload through more tailored messaging, choicearchitecture, and program tools.too many choices (or beinginundated with too5Mindful MedicaidMessaging: Leveraging thepower of social proofMwomen such as running television andE

33、DICAID programs use a variety of me-the Southwest of the United States that was part of a national hotel chain. In 190 different rooms, they experimented with two different types of messages to encourage hotel guests to reuse their towels, with the goal of testing which message was more effective.Me

34、ssages that appealed to social norms, like “the majority of guests in this room reuse their towels,” were found to be 26 percent more effective than those that simply emphasized the environmentalbenefits of reusing towels. Because the message was specific about people in the same hotel room, it set

35、the standard for how you should behave. Knowing how others behave can often trump explaining themerits of a decision itself.diums to target messaging to pregnantradio ads and placing printed materials throughoutthe community. These forms of outreach can be ef-fective at making people aware of what t

36、he program can offer, but as important as the method is the message itself. If these messages are not calibrated to speak to intrinsic motivations, they could be atrisk of falling on deaf ears.Socially driven messageshave proven to be incredibly effective in a diverse set of contexts.Currently, the

37、Louisiana Department of Health is teaming up with 2Morrow Inc. to apply some of these socially driven messages to help expectant parents quit smoking. The 2Morrow Inc. smoking cessation app, SmartQuit, regularly alerts soon-to- be parents of success stories of how others, under similar pressures, we

38、re able to quit smoking to achieve their goals. While SmartQuit is relatively new, initial results have shown that the app outper-forms its competitors.20Social proof is often a powerful way to motivate new action. In practice, it gently nudges behavior by demonstrating how others react to similar c

39、ircum- stances. Armed with this knowledge, people often gain the confidence to make new decisions. It may just sound like peer pressure, but these socially driven messages have proven to be incredibly effec-tive in a diverse set of contexts.Encouraging women to quit smoking during their pregnancies

40、is not only important for the unborn child, it can also improve the long-term health of women and their partners. Among women who quit smoking during their pregnancies, less than one- half start smoking again within six months after delivery.21 When a persons spouse quits smoking, the partners chanc

41、es of smoking, in turn, decreases by 67 percent,22 a testament to the power of social networks and social proof. In general, expectant parents are great targets for healthy behavior inter-ventions because behavior is easier to change whenConsider Amazons recommendation tool, “People who bought X als

42、o bought Y.”18 When consumers are informed about what others preferred, they may often gain greater confidence that they are making the “right” choice for themselves. In general, the more specific these messages can get, the more effec- tive they are. This is illustrated in a study concerning hotel

43、towel usage.19 In 2008, researchers conductedan experiment in a mid-sized, mid-priced hotel in6Nudging expectant mothers and children toward preventive careother major life events are already being disrupted, like starting a family, moving to a new city, orhaving surgery.23Choice architecture is abo

44、utfostering an environment that makes the bestlong-term decision easierto make.Choice architecture:Remove thebarriers, make iteasyWhile research shows that the payoff of receiving preventive care is substantial, especially for new and expectant mothers, even small hurdles can present significant obs

45、tacles. For example, how far a person lives from a medical facility can be a strong predictor of how much theyll use the health care system, even when the relative distances are pretty small.24 For many, lack of child care or a reliable form of transportation can make even small tasks,like attending

46、 a checkup, difficult to accomplish.Drawing on this evidence, since 2010, civilian federal agencies have automatically enrolled new hires into a retirement plan. Their enrollment rates are now almost twice as large as military employees at the Department of Defense, who are not automat-ically enroll

47、ed (87 percent vs. 44 percent).27There is evidence that states can apply these same principles to increase the rate of immunization.Vaccines are both important for preventing the spread of lethal and debilitating diseases and oneof the most cost-effective health interventions avail- able. However, c

48、hildren who live in poverty are more likely not to be vaccinated or to receive onlya partial course of vaccines than are children from higher-income households.28 One study shows that staff and faculty at a university were more likely to get a flu shot if they were automatically booked for one and s

49、ent an email with the location, date, and time of the appointment compared to those who were only informed that free flu shots were avail- able and directed to a site where they could book the appointment themselves.29 (Those who were automatically booked were also given the option tochange or cance

50、l the appointment.)At its heart, choice architecture is about fostering an environment that makes the best long-term deci- sion easier by removing the short-term barriers especially when time is short and choices are vast. One frequently used nudge to improve the choicearchitecture is smart defaults

51、.Make the default option the bestoptionBehavioral science reveals that people are more likely to stick with a default option (the option you get if you choose to do nothing) than they are to actively make a new, alternative choice. This is true even when the cost (be it time, energy, or money) of ch

52、anging the default is small and the importance of the decision is great.25 Think of the default option as simply the status quo. For example, in many cases, employees are not automatically enrolled in a retirement plan through their employer; rather, the employee needs to actively select one. In thi

53、s case, the default is no retirement plan, while the proac-tive route is to enroll.Similarly, automatically booking children to receive services such as immunizations (while offering the flexibility to change it) could increase vaccination rates by simply allowing people to forgo the need to make ye

54、t another decision. These defaults may also be applicable to flu vaccines for expectant mothers(and the general Medicaid population).A seminal study from the field showed that employees are more likely to save for retirement if their organizations automatically enroll them in aplan compared to those

55、 who must actively enroll.26These defaults could also be directed toward helping expectant mothers initiate Medicaid enrollment. (See sidebar, “Enrollment, the new default for low-income women?”)7Mindful Medicaid8ENROLLMENT, THE NEW DEFAULT FOR LOW-INCOME WOMEN?Medicaid eligibility is not always as

56、obvious as one might think. In some cases, a woman might be ineligible for Medicaid until she becomes pregnant and may have been previously uninsured.30 But in order to access prenatal care, many pregnant women first have to get over the sign-up hurdle. This can prove especially difficult if they ar

57、e unaware that their pregnancy means they are now eligible for Medicaid.Over the last few years, many programs have streamlined Medicaid eligibility by leveraging information available from other government services.There are currently 10 states that have implemented Express Lane Eligibility (ELE) i

58、nitiatives. To date, these initiatives have been directed primarily toward signing children up for coverage.31 ELE allows states to use data about a childs household income and participation in a variety of public programs, including food stamps, School Lunch, the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) program, Head Start, and Women Infants and Children (WIC) food and nutrition service, to find children who might be eligible for Medicaid or other

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