1933年罗斯福就职演讲

1 / 21 1933 年罗斯福就职演讲 我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身 富兰克林 -罗斯福 第一次就职演讲 星期六 ,1933 年 3 月 4 日 我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是但白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻，我们不必畏首畏尾，不着老实实面对我国今天的情况，这个伟大的国家会一如既住地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一下得不害怕的就是害怕本身 一种莫明其妙的、丧失理 智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它会把转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。我和你们都要以这种槽神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了，我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。 更重 要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生育问2 / 21 题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的憎景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败，并撒手不管了，贪得无厌的货币兑换商 的种种行径，将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵和理智的唾弃。 幸福并不在于单纯地占有主钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造性努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的夭命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准。来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念，我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常 常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为，难怪信心在减弱，因为增强信心只有靠诚实、荣誉感、神圣的责任感，忠实地加以维护和无私地履3 / 21 行职责，而没有这些，就不可能有信心。 但是，复兴不仅仅要求改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。 根据宪法赋予我的职责、我准备提出一些措施，而一个受灾世界上的受灾国家也许需要这些措施。对于这些措施，以及国会根据本身的经验和智慧可能制订的其他类似措施，我将在宪法赋予我的权限内，设法迅速地予以采纳。 但是，如果国会拒不采纳这两条路 线中的一条，如果国家紧急情况依然如故，我将下回避我所面临的明确的尽责方向。我将要求国会准许我使用唯一剩下的手殷来应付危机 向 非常情况开战的广泛的行政权，就像我们真的遭到外敌人侵时授予我那样的广泛权力。 对大家寄予我的信任，我一定报以时代所要求的勇气和献身精神，我会竭尽全力。 让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的国标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安 。 我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在4 / 21 选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。 在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保佑我们大家和每一个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我 来源 :/Article/201602/63263_ 1933 年美国总统罗斯福就职演说 Firstof Franklin D. Roosevelt SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933 I am that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will them with a and a which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will as it has endured, will and will . So, first of all, let me my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, ueasoning,which paralyzes needed efforts tointo advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of and has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is to victory. I am that you will again give that support 5 / 21 to leadership in these such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They , thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of are frozen in the of trade; the withered leaves of industrial lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their ; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number with little return. Only a foolish optimist can the dark realities of the moment. Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a use of it languishes in the very sight of the . Primarily this is because the rulers of the of mankinds goods have failed, 6 / 21 through their own stubbornness and their own , have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the money changers stand in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of they have proposed only the lending of more money. of the lure of profit by which to our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, tearfully for . They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people . The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now that temple to the ancient truths. The of the lies in the to which we apply values more noble than mere profit. Happiness lies not in the mere of money; it lies in the joy of , in the thrill of effort. The joy and moral of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad of profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is 7 / 21 not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men. of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a in banking and in business which too often has given to a trust the of and selfish . Small wonder that languishes, for it thrives only on , on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on , on ; without them it cannot live. calls, however, not for changes in alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now. Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to and reorganize the use of our natural resources. 8 / 21 Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by on a national in a , endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by that the Federal, State, and local governments act forthwith on the that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and of all forms of and of communications and other utilities which have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by talking about it. We must act and act , in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there must be aof all banking and credits and investments; 9 / 21 there must be an end to with other peoples money, and there must be for an but sound currency. There are the lines of attack. I shall presently upon a new Congress in special session measures for their , and I shall seek theof the several States. Through this program of action we ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and secondary to the of a sound national economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall no effort to world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that . The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the , as a first , upon the of the various elements in all parts of the United States-a of the old and important of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to . It is the way. It is the strongest that the will . In the field of world policy I would this 10 / 21 Nation to the policy of the good neighbor-the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others- the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors. If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never realized before our on each other; that we can not take but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army to for the good of a common , because without such discipline no progress is made, no leadership becomes . We are, I know, ready and willing to our lives and to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at a larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us all as awith a unity of duty evoked only in time of armed this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people to a attack upon our common problems. Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our is so simple and practical 11 / 21 that it is possible always to meet needs by changes in and without loss of form. That is why our system has proved itself the mostpolitical the modern world has produced. It has met every ofof , of foreign wars, of bitter strife, of world relations. It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly to meet the task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented and need for undelayed action may call forfrom that balance of public . I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional , to bring to speedy adoption. But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, and in the event that the national emergency is still , I shall not the clear course of duty that will then me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining to meet the crisis-broad power to wage a war against the 12 / 21 emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe. For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the that befit the time. I can do no less. We face the days that lie before us in the warm courage of the national unity; with the clear of seeking old and moral values; with the clean that comes from theof duty by old and young alike. We aim at the of a rounded and national life. We do not the future of . The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a that they want direct, action. They have asked for and direction under leadership. They have made me the present of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it. In this of a Nation we ask the of God. May He each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come. 我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身 富兰克林 -罗13 / 21 斯福 第一次就职演讲 星期六 ,1933 年 3 月 4 日我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是但白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻，我们不必畏首畏尾，不着老实实面对我国今天的情况，这个伟大的国家会一如既住地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一下得不害怕的就是害怕本身 一种莫明其妙的、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它会把转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布 的时刻，坦率而有活力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。我和你们都要以这种槽神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了，我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生育问题，还有大批公民正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐 天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。14 / 21 大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的憎景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种情景的时 候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败，并撒手不管了，贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径，将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵和理智的唾弃。 幸福并不 在于单纯地占有主钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造性努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的夭命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准。来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念，我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为，难怪信心在减弱，因为增强信心只有靠诚实、荣 誉感、神圣的责任感，忠实地加以维护和无私地履行职责，而没有这些，就不可能有信心。 但是，复兴不仅仅要求改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。 根据宪法赋予我的职责、我准备提出一些措施，而15 / 21 一个受灾世界上的受灾国家也许需要这些措施。对于这些措施，以及国会根据本身的经验和智慧可能制订的其他类似措施，我将在宪法赋予我的权限内，设法迅速地予以采纳。 但是，如果国会拒不采纳这两条路线中的一条，如果国家紧急情况依然如故，我将下回避我所面临的明确的尽责方向。我将要求国会准许 我使用唯一剩下的手殷来应付危机 向非常情况开战的广泛的行政权，就像我们真的遭到外敌人侵时授予我那样的广泛权力。 对大家寄予我的信任，我一定报以时代所要求的勇气和献身精神，我会竭尽全力。 让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的国标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。 我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托， 即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。 在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保佑我们大家和每一个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。 1933 年 3 月 4 日美国第 32 届总统罗斯福就职演说 16 / 21 这是奉献的日子。值此就职之际，同胞们一定期待着我能够就我国目前所处形势，向他们做出坦率而果断的说明。现在正是坦诚而勇敢地说出实情、全部实情的最好时机。我们毋须害怕直面我们目前的困境。我们伟大的国家过去经得住磨 难，而且还将复兴，繁荣。因此，首先允许我表明我坚定的信念，我们唯一应该感到恐惧的是恐惧本身 那种无以名状的、盲目而不可理喻的恐惧，它阻碍人们做出必要的努力，反败为胜。在我国历史上任何一个黑色时期，每一位强有力的、真诚的领导人都曾经得到了人民的理解和支持，这是胜利的根本保证。我深信，在目前的危急时刻，你们必将再次对我们的执政表示支持。 我和你们一起以这种精神来面对共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难都只是物质方面的。购买力已经萎缩到难以想象的程度；税收增加；人们的支持能力下降；各级政府机关面临着严重的 经费削减；现行的贸易交易途径被冻结；工业企业枯枝败叶般四处飘零；农场主无法找到销售市场；成千上万家庭多年的积蓄丧失殆尽。更为严重的是，大批失业的市民们面临着严酷的生存困境，而众多的人们只能以艰苦的劳作换取微薄的报酬。只有盲目乐观的人才会无视现实的严峻。 然而，我们的不幸并不是由物质的匮乏造成的。我们没有遭受蝗虫的灾害。与我们的祖先所经受的艰难相比，17 / 21 我们要幸运的多了。而我们的祖先以其坚定信仰和无畏精神战胜了 这一切。大自然的恩泽不断，而人类的努力更使它锦上添花。我 们的门廊前 堆满了财富，但是大肆的挥霍却使我们入不敷出。这种后果主要是由商品交易的巨头们的顽固不化和愚蠢无能造成的。他们已经承认了失败，自动引退了。钱商们的无耻行径在公众舆论的法庭上受到谴责，并为世人所唾弃。 是的，他们曾经努力过，但是他们的努力却无法挣脱陈规旧俗的束缚。面对着信用危机，他们只是建议发放更多的贷款。他们惯常以利润引诱和控制大众，一旦失去了利润的诱饵，他们便不惜恩惠并施，声泪俱下地恳求公众重新恢复信心。他们只懂得利己主义的准则。他们缺乏高瞻远瞩，而没有远见的民族是要灭亡的。 钱商们 从文明圣殿的高位逃跑了。现在我们可以让圣殿重新恢复传统的信念。恢复的程度取决于我们的价值观念在多大程度上高于单一的金钱利润观念。 幸福并不驻足于对钱财的占有之中，而是根植于对成功的喜悦和对创造的兴奋之中。对工作的喜悦之情和对劳动的激励之感不应该再度迷失于对转瞬即失的利润的疯狂的追逐之中。如果这段惨淡岁月促使大家认识到，我们不应18 / 21 该听天由命，而是应该让命运为我们自己和我们的同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价是完全值得的。 认识到将物质财富视为衡量成功的标准是荒谬，也就会摈弃以显著地位和个人 利益作为衡量公职和官位的标准这一错误观念；而且一定会终止那种常常以冷酷和自私的错误行径敷衍公众神圣信赖的金融和商业行为。难怪公众的信心正在消失，因为只有诚实、高尚、神圣的责任感、真诚的保护措施和无私的工作才能使信心枝繁叶茂；没 有这一切，信心便无法生存。 然而，复兴