毕业论文范文2-(APA格式)

Purple Soap Opera as a Weapon of the Weak Constructing Xiaosan Online in Patriarchal China A Graduation Thesis Submitted to the Department of Foreign Languages and Literature In Fulfillment of the Study of ENG4910 For the Degree of Bachelor of Arts XXX Shantou University May 11 2012 ii Title Purple Soap Opera as a Weapon of the Weak Constructing Xiaosan Online in Patriarchal China Author XXX Advisor XXX Associate professor Abstract Xiaosan phenomenon is prevalent in current Chinese society and with the help of new media such as websites and forums Xiaosan gain the chance to be heard by the public This thesis discusses the state and media s construction of public discourse of Xiaosan and Xiaosan s response and resistance to the state and the media s crafting By collecting the PRC government s legislation practices and educational project videos and newspapers online and Xiaosans posts in the Xiaosan Forum this research explores the state and the media s construction of Xiaosan s identity as well as Xiaosan s construction of themselves the wives the husbands marriage and love This paper provides a feminist anthropological perspective to discover the relationships and interactions among the state the media and a particular group of women Keywords Xiaosan the state the media identity construction discourse patriarchy marriage resistance iii 题目 紫色肥皂剧 弱者的武器 小三身份在父权中国网络空间里 的构建 作者 XXX 导师 XX 副教授 摘要摘要 小三现象在当今中国社会盛行 通过新媒体 特别是网络和网上论坛的帮 助 小三这一边缘群体渐渐走进了大众视野 本论文主要对国家及媒体对小三 公共话语的构建 以及小三对国家和媒体的构建所做出的抵抗 本论文通过搜 集政府的立法 教育措施 网上新闻及网络视频 和小三自己在小三论坛上发 表的帖子 探讨了国家及媒体对小三身份的构建 及小三对自己 妻子 丈夫 婚姻和爱情的构建 本论文从女权主义人类学角度出发 探索了国家 媒体及 一群怀有特殊身份的女性的相互关系及影响 关键词关键词 小三 国家 媒体 身份构建 话语 父权 婚姻 抵抗 iv CONTENTS Abstract ii Abstract Chinese Version iii Introduction 1 Xiaosan Ambivelant Resistance in Patriarchal China 2 Locating Xiaosan 9 The PRC Government as the Constructor 13 Media as the Contructor 19 Crafting Themselves with the Weapon of the Weak 23 Conclusion 33 Bibliography 36 1 Introduction Mistresses as a group with a marginalized identity but not an insignificant number never vanish from public attention They appear in historical record literature legislation religion tabloids online videos etc usually with a stigmatized label This paper explores the relationships among the state the media and Xiaosan a particular type of mistress in China This research investigates how the state and media construct Xiaosan and how Xiaosan craft themselves as a counter discourse responding and resisting to the state and the media By collecting the PRC government s legislation practices and educational project videos and newspapers online and Xiaosans posts in the Xiaosan Forum in Sanqing Wang I argue that Xiaosan as a group of labeled women are suppressed by the current Chinese kinship system marriage values and unequal allowance for sexual access under the discipline of the state patriarch and thus although Xiaosan resist current marriage values they do not fight against patriarchy and Xiaosans become both victims of and contributors of patriarchal Chinese society By applying Foucault s 1990 theories of public discourse construction and boipolitics and Scott s 2009 idea of minority groups resistance to state formation and incorporation this paper also uncovers the state s construction of public criticism of Xiaosan and Xiaosans countermove to the state and the media s hegemonic construction In addition this research investigates current Chinese marriage centered patrilineal kinship system using Jay s 1999 and Gates 1996 studies on marriage and patriliny discovering the consequences of women s limited public sphere and to be looked at ness Yang 1999 Most importantly by 2 applying Scott s 2007 study on subordinate groups resistance to the dominant class this research explores how Xiaosan invent their own weapon to indirectly resist the state and media s construction in their Purple Soap Opera Xiaosan Ambivalent Resistance in Patriarchal China While the state and the media construct Xiaosan through bio political legislativeand educational practices and the incitement of public discourse Xiaosan construct both themselves and the state the ultimate patriarch by indirect online protest Nevertheless Xiaosans resistance is ambivalent due to their limited public sphere and to be looked at ness Yang 1999 99 resulting from current Chinese kinship system marriage values and imbalanced sexual access of different genders Bio politics Foucault 1990 139 is implemented by the Chinese government to regulate women s thoughts and behaviors especially by implanting current social norms into legislation and education practices Foucault 1990 discusses the 18th French government s biopolitics to control population The French government practiced its bio power in army and schools and administrated its people s life by establishing national standards of morality propagations the level of life etc Foucault 1990 139 resembling not only the current Chinese government practices but also the Chinese government in Song Dynasty Gates 1996 discovers that Chinese government started biopolitics as early as the Song when the Song authority advocated Neo Confucianism in order to keep women at home for house working and child bearing The difference of the two periods bio power lies in the 3 current Chinese government s indirect social norm implantation in law and education and the media platforms utilized and the Song dynasty s direct advocacy of Neo Confucianism Nevertheless both types of bio power create public critical discourse on women The current discourse on Xiaosan constructed by the state and media criticizes Xiaosan and Xiaosan are constructed when critical discourse on Xiaosan is evoked As Xiaosan are discussed over and over again in the state s legislation practices and online videos about Xiaosan the criticism grows and correspondingly Xiaosans negative image is intensified Foucault s 1990 discussion of the incitement to discourse of sex helps illustrate my research on the state and the media s discourse construction on Xiaosan But more important was the multiplication if discourses concerning sex in the field of exercise of power itself an institutional incitement to speak about it and to do so more and more a determination on the part of the agencies of power to hear it spoken about and to cause it to speak through explicit articulation and endlessly accumulated detail 18 The current Chinese government s legislation practices on marriage law and the female education program from elementary school to university and the online videos about Xiaosan evoke mass criticism from the public and reinforce Xiaosans evil image as marriage destroyers and exotic temptresses Nevertheless current Chinese government s biopolitics and the inciting discourse on Xiaosan are not the only elements that construct Xiaosan Patriarchy plays as the inner ideology and value that 4 support the state s bio power and the public discourse The current Chinese patrilineal kinship system the gendered imbalance of sexual access and marriage structure promote a patriarchal society in which both the husband father and the state rule as patriarchs resulting limited public sphere for women and to be looked at ness Yang 1999 50 Patrilineal family structure excludes Xiaosan as marginalized outsiders Jay 1999 discusses paternity of Ancient Greece as a socially recognized relationship linking agnates and transcending women s reproductive power based on their natural connection between the mother and the child 31 According to Jay 1999 women were excluded in patriliny in both their natal and marriage family Women were invisible in patriliny especially adult child bearing ones who were completely excluded from important rituals that were socially recognized because firstly women s connections between their children were transcended by patriliny and secondly it was hard to prove fatherhood in ancient Greece Jay 1999 52 Jay s 1999 discovery corresponds with Gate s 1996 investigation of paternity s need to assure that women will not bear the wrong children 59 In the case of Xiaosan in current Chinese society Xiaosan are dangerous to the patrilineal family structure in two ways Firstly Xiaosan and their children are invisible in their boyfriends patrilineage due to Xiaosans lack of legal marriage status with their boyfriends Secondly because Xiaosan do not possess legitimate marriage status it is hard to prove the fatherhood of their children Due to their lack of marriage status Xiaosan are often considered loose and adulterous temptresses even though their boyfriends enjoy more sexual freedom than Xiaosan do 5 Women in current Chinese society are still restrained in sexual access to men due to the double standards on sexuality Early in the Song Dynasty officials promoted Neo Confucianism had but a single idea harmony comes when inferiors obey superiors and this imperative must have translated in the behavior of the bedroom into sexual obedience Gates 1996 59 The idea of sexual obedience is still influential even in present day China women should be obedient to their husbands while the husbands do not have to listen to their wives As a result husbands have access to sexual relations with other women while both wives and the Xiaosan have intercourse with the same man Although sexual obedience applies to both the wives and Xiaosan values of marriage as social connections only apply to the wives and further restrain their sexuality in comparison to the Xiaosan Xiaosan ignore current social norms of marriage and jia home and create space online for themselves outside both their natal and their boyfriends family Gates 1996 points out that in Song dynasty marriage was a social contract it was formalized in written documents and it was socially recognized It helped to shape jia home Gates 1996 122 meaning a family in which the husband and the wife own legal marriage certificate and in this way the children are connected with the father Jay 1999 30 The Xiaosan in my research however only share emotional sexual and sometimes economic relationships with their boyfriends In addition the idea that marriage Transferred a woman from dependency on her parents to dependency on her parents in law Gates 1996 122 does not apply to the Xiaosan in my research anymore Xiaosan pose as independent women from their boyfriends parents and 6 they take responsibility for their reproductive capacities on their own instead of handing it over to their boyfriends family Therefore the Xiaosan are unprotected by the family in their relations with the state Compared with Xiaosans boyfriends and their boyfriends parents the state acts as a more powerful patriarch restraining women in a wider scale according to its own will The current Chinese government rules marriage and family structure and discipline Xiaosan as the big father Unlike Foucault 1990 who focuses on the authority s bio politics as means to administrate its people Gates 1996 explores the state s patriarchal performances from a feminist perspective discussing how the Song government restrained women from working outside the home just when there were opportunities for women to be less dependent on men Song officials advocated Neo Confucianism norms in order to keep women inside for needlework and maintenance of the household The current Chinese government also restrains women s behavior by implanting the still widely accepted Neo Confucian doctrines into education and legitimacy acting as the ultimate father telling women what to do and what no to do Consequently women s especially Xiaosans public sphere is seriously limited they become the exotic observed Yang 1999 discovers that Chinese women have no access to enter the public discourse production protected by the state because the state s very language always undermine s women s self identity and gender consciousness 1999 46 Consequently the state s oppression becomes an obstacle for establishing women s discourse and women s community 1999 46 My 7 research on the Xiaosan forum echoes Yang s 1999 discovery although Xiaosan create their own community online they are limited from the public discussion of extra marital affairs Instead Xiaosan are criticized in public discourse and ignored in the state s legislation Thus although Xiaosan establish their own discourse online their practice and activities suffer from public oppression Moreover according to Jay s 1999 analysis on paternity Xiaosan are excluded from the patriline as marginalized outsiders who are separated from both their natal and their boyfriends family Therefore Xiaosan have established an online forum for expression and venting but the public has limited access to their forum just as Xiaosan have little access to the public discourse In addition Yang s 1999 discussion on sexual economy reveals women s limited public sphere in consumption culture Yang 1999 argues that in the mass media productions women are usually feminized with respect to the male eye through the quality of to be looked at ness 1999 50 Meanwhile Yang 1999 claims that male subjectivity is invisible while constructing the feminine women and its invisibility depends on the hypervisibility of the female image 50 My project shares some features with Yang s 1999 investigation when the Xiaosan in the online video websites plays the role of the exotic observed in men s perspective Compared to the Xiaosan and the wives men are the least seen or most invisible in online videos about extra marital affairs that focus largely on Xiaosans bodies and occasionally wives who attack Xiaosan In order to resist the state and the media s construction Xiaosan invent their own weapon 8 Xiaosan resist the state and the media s construction indirectly and ideologically however through their online forum organization and announcement When talking about bottom up resistance Scott 2007 fills Foucault s 1990 gap regarding the subordinate group s response to the authority s discursive construction Scott 2007 states that for subordinate groups the most effective form of resistance is not public protest or fighting but rather indirect persistent day to day practices against the ideology of authority 2007 35 40 This kind of indirect resistance usually excludes formal organization leaders declarations or any anticipation but it leads and encourages the subordinate to resist even though they may fail eventually to achieve wider aims Scott 2007 310 Xiaosans posts about love are also ideological protests against current social norms of marriage and love Unlike the subordinate groups Scott 2007 studies Xiaosan establish a formal organization with leaders a forum with announcements and an administration group in which one of the members is Xiaosan Nevertheless similar to the indirect resistance in Scott s 2007 discovery Xiaosan obey marriage laws and admit their identity as marriage intruders semi publically as to maintain Xiaosans indirect resistance Scott 2007 would consider this short term obedience to public discourse a sacrifice for long term benefits such as understanding and support from the public 352 Similarly Xiaosans commitment to their identity as marriage intruders survives as a kind of self protecting obedience creating more potential for the Xiaosans value that love should be prioritized over marriage and that they share victimhood with the wives to be accepted by the public Nevertheless Xiaosans resistance to current marriage norms should not be 9 considered necessarily as a fight against patriarchy because Xiaosan never resist patriliny and their limited sexual access but rather enjoy their to be looked at ness as young and beautiful women In the relationship between Xiaosan and the state as patriarch Xiaosan wander ambivalently between the two poles of obedience and resistance reflecting and refracting hegemonic values regarding marriage Scott 2009 explores ethnic identity construction as a combination of both the state and the ethnic groups discourse in which the ethnic groups resist the state s incorporation resulting in the formation of the state and the ethnic groups as dark twins 2009 99 The Xiaosan and the Chinese government in my research resemble such a pair of dark twins On one hand the state attempts to administrate Xiaosan via legislation and administrate women in education On the other Xiaosan decline the state s construction by creating new marriage and love values in their online forum that the public has little access to resembling the ethnic groups that the government has difficulty to reach in Scott s 2009 discussion Therefore Xiaosans identity is constructed by both the state as patriarch and Xiaosan themselves who simultaneously oppose current social norms and support patriarchy through their media intervention the source of most of my data Locating Xiaosan I collected most of my data related to Xiaosans discourse from a website called Sanqing Wang The Chinese character San in Sanqing Wang is the same as the San in Xiaosan meaning three or the third to represent Xiaosan themselves Qing in Chinese 10 means affection and Wang website Sanqing Wang SQW is a comprehensive website including a forum and it was titled as the only official website for Chinese Xiaosan The website was established on July 1st 2010 with a blog a Sina micro blog a QQ1 account online customer service and a legal counselor According to SQW s blog the website was established and is administrated by a Xiaosan whose user name is Sanjie the elder sister of Xiaosan in order to provide a platform for Xiaosan in mainland China to express themselves make friends with each other and finally get out of the dilemma SQW 2011 February 23 Sanjie 2 meaning quit being a Xiaosan Also SQW welcomes Xiaosan from both mainland China and areas and countries outside the continent including Hong Kong Taiwan Japan Malaysia Singapore The United States Russia etc SQW s expansion curtailed because according to the website s blog it was