劳动力市场和收入差距外文文献翻译中英文2020

1、外文文献翻译原文及译文标题：劳动力市场和收入差距外文翻译 2019文献出处：Mary C Daly, Bart Hobijn, Joseph H. Pedtke. Economics Letters, Volume 186, January 2020译文字数：3900 多字英文Labor market dynamics and blackwhite earnings gaps Mary Dalya, Bart Hobijn, Joseph PedtkeAbstractEarnings gaps between black and white workers have widened over

2、the past 3040 years. This increase is not explained by differences in observed demographics or the industry and occupational composition of employment. We suggest that variation in labor market dynamics between black and white workers are important. Disparities in job switching, job loss, and associ

3、ated wage growth result in flatter career wage profiles for black workers and widening earnings gaps over the work life.Keywords: Earnings gaps, Labor market dynamics, Wage escalators1. IntroductionAlthough researchers have long studied disparities in the labor market between black and white workers

4、,2 our understanding of their genesis and persistence remains limited. As shown in Daly et al. (2017), earnings differentials between black and white workers have grown and cannot be fully explained by differences in age, education, job type, or location. In fact, the increases are almost entirely d

5、riven by significant and growing factors that are unexplained by standard statistical models relating wages to observed demographic and job characteristics. Weconsider whether differences in labor market dynamics, including wage growth, job changing, and job loss, might account for the observed earn

6、ings differentials between black and white workers.Following Elsby and Shapiro (2009), we put these dynamics in the context of career wage profiles, or wage escalators, and examine whether differences in dynamics translate into different wage escalators for blacks and whites. Using synthetic cohort

7、analysis, we find evidence that career wage profiles are flatter for black workers than for white workers, leading gaps to grow over the work-life.2. Labor market dynamics and career wage profilesTo begin, consider our four groups black and white women and men riding up an escalator. Earnings gaps e

8、ffectively measure the relative position on the escalator of the average person in each of these four groups at a point in time, and reflect the sum of a variety of factors that occur over a career. We identify four such factors that have been noted in the literature and are tractable in the Current

9、 Population Survey (CPS).2.1. Four factors that affect wage escalators Factor 1. Early-career wage gapsThe first factor that contributes to observed earnings gaps is where each group representative steps onto the escalator. Part (a) of Table presents gaps in early-career earnings for black men and w

10、omenrelative to whites. Those with a high school diploma are between 17 and 27 years old, those with some college or an associates degree are between 18 and 28 years old, those with a bachelors degree are between 20 and 30 years old, and those with more than a bachelors degree are between 25 and 35

11、years old. Our results indicate that black workers, on average, begin their careers at lower wage levels than white workers. Most notable are the gaps for black men: 14.6, 9.0, 10.4, and 11.3 percent for high school, some college, bachelors, and more-than-bachelors groups, respectively.Factor 2. Sam

12、e-job wage increasesThe next factor is the speed at which workers ride up the escalator when they stay on the same step, i.e. wage growth for workers who stay in the same job. Part (b) of Table reports average growth of real hourly earnings for workers who we classified as either “job stayers” (cont

13、inuously full-time employed at the same job) or “job switchers” (switched between full-time jobs). The first row of Part (b) shows that wage gains are fairly similar for job stayers across groups, though noticeably lower for black women. This suggests that the ride up the escalator is about as fast

14、for black workers as it is for white workers who remain at the same job. Thus, for black workers who remain on the same job there is little to no erosion of early-career earnings gaps.Factor 3: Job switching and associated wage increasesOur third factor acknowledges that not everyone just stands on

15、the escalator some people walk or run up. The labor market equivalent is workers who switch from job to job. As Daly and Hobijn (2016) show, job-to-job changes account for a substantial part of the level and cyclicality of aggregate wage growth. To quantify the effect of this running, we need to kno

16、w two things: the size of wage increases for workers who switch jobs and how frequently they switch.The second row of Part (b) of Table shows the payoff to switching jobs. Comparing rows one and two highlights that job switchers tend to get higher wage increases than job stayers. Although statistica

17、lly very noisy, it appears that for black men wage increases for job switchers are lower than for job stayers. At the very least, for black men there is not the same clear signal of a benefit from job switching like there is for white men.The bottom rows of Part (b) provide evidence on the frequency

18、 with which workers run up the escalator. Of those who are continuously employed, black workers switch jobs a bit more frequently than white workers, though in general this difference is rather small. Thus, since for black workers job switching does not accelerate, and for black men reduces, average

19、 wage growth, switching jobs has a nonexistent or negative effect on earnings gaps.Factor 4: Job transitionsThe final factor we investigate is the rate at which worker groups fall down or off the escalator. Part (c) of Table 1 highlights the higher rate at which black workers churn through jobs, bot

20、h full-time and part-time. The first two rows report annual full-time employment transition rates, the middle two rows average monthly full-time employment transition rates, and the last two rows monthly transition rates to and from any type of employment.Our results show that black workers move thr

21、ough jobs at a higher rate than white workers, the largest difference being between black and white men. Though annual full-time separation and job-finding rates are roughly equal within each group, the differences across race (by gender) are large. At the monthly level, black workers separate from

22、jobs much more frequently, but are hired at only slightly higher rates than white workers (excluding full-time job-finding for black women). As a result, black workers on average have more frequent and longer non-full- time/non-employment spells.Large differences in transition rates are important be

23、cause interrupted employment spells generally impede career wage growth. This evidence shows that black workers tend to fall down the wage escalator more often than white workers, slowing down wage growth.2.2. Group-specific wage-escalator profilesHere we ask what the impact of differences in our fo

24、ur factors mightbe over the working life of black workers. Unfortunately, data from the CPS does not allow us to construct wage escalators for individual workers or to decompose the pace of these escalators into the importance of the four factors that we discussed above. We can, however, use the CPS

25、 to construct estimates of group-specific wage escalators based on synthetic cohorts to analyze how gaps develop over the early-to-mid part of a career.These escalators are constructed in the following way: in each year, we capture wages of 1727 year old workers with a high school diploma, 1828 year

26、 old workers with some college, 2030 year old workers with a bachelors degree, and 2535 year olds with more than a bachelors degree and follow each “cohort” for 15 years. Practically, this means that five years later we look at the wages of 2232, 2333, 2535, and 3040 year olds in each respective gro

27、up; ten years later we look at wages of 2737, 2838, 3040, and 3545 year old workers in each respective group; and so on. Assuming the CPS provides a representative sample of these group-specific age cohorts, this synthetic panel provides a good approximation to the career wage profiles of our groups

28、.2.2.1. Gaps in the speed of wage escalatorsIn Fig. 1 we plot the average earnings gap across synthetic cohorts from early-to-mid career of all full-time workers. Wage escalators of black workers in the U.S. are much slower than those of white workers,especially for black men. Consider the solid lin

29、e in Fig. 1, which shows the average earnings gap between black and white men over the first 15 years of their careers. After the average initial gap around 15 percent, this gap grows to about 30 percent. As can be seen from the dotted line in the same figure, this difference in career wage profiles

30、 is smaller for black women, with initial gap around 8 percent that rises early in the career and levels off around 17 percent.To show that the increases in earnings gaps by cohort are not driven by group composition in terms of observables, we also present adjusted gaps depicted by the lines with m

31、arkers. Adjusted gaps are found through decompositions based on Blinder (1973) and Oaxaca (1973) of Mincer (1974) equations between black and white workers (separate by gender).5 Even after adjusting for observables, gaps for black men rise from 9 percent to 17 percent and gaps for black women rise

32、from about 4.5 percent to just above 7 percent.In Fig. 2 we present average earnings gaps across synthetic cohorts from early-to-mid career separate by educational attainment with varying early-career ages. Similar to in Fig. 1, we find that regardless of educational attainment, wage escalators of b

33、lack workers in the U.S. are flatter than those of white workers, especially for black men. After adjusting for observables, gaps remain high for black men in all levels of educational attainment and black women with more than a bachelorsdegree.We find a notable result for the aggregate blackwhite e

34、arnings gap in the slopes of average earnings gaps from early-to-mid career by gender. The slope for men is roughly two times higher than for women. This is in line with Chetty et al. (2018), who find that, conditional on parental income, all blackwhite income inequality in the U.S. is due to that b

35、etween men.2.3. Potential causes and implicationsThe evidence presented here highlights vast differences in career ladders between black and white workers, for which there are several possible explanations. One possibility is that these differences are the result of explicit discrimination in the la

36、bor market. Another is that wage escalators amplify inequities in opportunity. For example, Arcidiacono et al. (2016) provide evidence that minority students who have access to lower quality schools in preparation for college choose different majors than white students, putting them on different car

37、eer trajectories. In addition, as Farber and Gibbons (1996), Altonji and Pierret (2001), and Oettinger (1996) have pointed out, differences in the speed of wage escalators can reflect different degrees of imperfect information, employer learning, and statistical discrimination in the labor market.As

38、 emphasized by Coate and Loury (1993), it is hard to distinguish between causes and consequences when we consider gaps in labor marketoutcomes as documented here. The outcomes we measure are a combination of opportunities, perceptions, and endogenous responses. These endogenous responses include wor

39、kers incentives to participate in the labor market to begin with (Elsby and Shapiro, 2009), invest in human capital and education, and build workplace-specific expertise and relationships. Our results suggest that such differences in opportunities, perceptions, and endogenous responses lead to a sub

40、stantial widening of earnings gaps over workers careers. We think this is important to emphasize, because it makes us think about earnings gaps not as a static cross-sectional concept but as a pervasive phenomenon that amplifies over workers lifetimes.Three things stand out when one thinks about pot

41、ential policies aimed at reducing earnings gaps. First, given that these gaps exist across education levels, improving access to education for black students will be most effective in reducing earnings gaps if it involves not only higher high-school and college graduation rates but also more equal a

42、ccess to tracks within education levels. The latter has been shown to result in significant increases in educational outcomes (Card and Giuliano, 2016). Secondly, because earnings gaps accumulate during workers careers, workforce development policies that assist in finding the best early- and mid-ca

43、reer opportunities can potentially help to reduce earnings gaps. In particular, identifying and eliminating causes of higher job churn forblack workers is relevant. Finally, given that these earnings gaps accumulate over decades during workers careers, we only see limited effects of policies that ai

44、m to alleviate the heterogeneous effects of business cycles on different groups. This does not mean that such policies are not useful for other purposes, but our results indicate that earnings gaps may be better addressed with policies that focus on improving longer-run career outcomes.3. Conclusion

45、We provide evidence from the CPS that suggests that blackwhite earnings gaps are not only influenced by observable demographic and job characteristics, but reflect differences in average race-gender-specific career wage profiles. Average career wage profiles are substantially flatter for black worke

46、rs compared to their white counterparts, especially for black men. This suggests that moving beyond static characterizations of earnings gaps and towards analyses of career ladders and wage escalators, both affected by labor market dynamics, is important. In particular, understanding the largely acy

47、clical and relatively out-sized flows of black workers in and out of employment is key.中文劳动力市场和收入差距玛丽戴利，巴特霍比恩， 约瑟夫佩特克摘要在过去的 30 至 40 年中，黑人和白人工人之间的收入差距不断扩大。观察到的人口统计数据或行业和就业职业构成的差异不能解释这一增长。我们认为，黑人和白人工人之间劳动力市场动态的变化很重要。工作转移，工作流失以及相关的工资增长方面的差异导致黑人工人的职业工资状况趋于平坦，并且在工作寿命中收入差距不断扩大。关键字：收入差距，劳动力市场动态，工资自动扶梯1.引言尽

48、管研究人员长期研究了黑人和白人工人在劳动力市场上的差异，但我们对他们的起源和持久性的理解仍然有限。如 Daly 等人2017 年所说，黑人和白人工人之间的收入差异有所增加，无法用年龄，教育程度，工作类型或位置的差异来完全解释。实际上，涨幅几乎完全由重要的增长因素驱动，而标准的统计模型无法将工资与观察到的人口和工作特征相关联，无法解释这些因素。我们考虑劳动力市场动态的差异（包括工资增长，工作变动和失业）是否可以解释观察到的黑人和白人工人之间的收入差异。按照 Elsby 和 Shapiro（2009）的研究，我们将这些动态放在职业工资概况或工资自动扶梯的背景下，并研究动态的差异是否会转化为黑人和白

49、人的不同工资自动扶梯。通过综合队列分析，我们发现有证据表明，黑人工人的职业工资概况比白人工人的职业工资概况更扁平，这导致了整个工作期间差距的扩大。2.劳动力市场动态和职业工资概况首先，考虑我们的四个小组-黑人和白人-乘坐自动扶梯。收入差距有效地衡量了这四个群体中每个群体在某个时间点上普通人在自动扶梯上的相对位置，并反映了职业生涯中各种因素的总和。我们确定了四个在文献中已指出并在当前人口调查（CPS）中易于处理的因素。2.1 影响工资自动扶梯的四个因素因素 1：职业生涯早期的工资差距导致观察到的收入差距的第一个因素是每个小组的代表走上自动扶梯的位置。文中显示了黑人和白人相对于白人在职业生涯初期的

50、收入差距。具有高中文凭的人年龄在 17 至 27 岁之间，具有大学或大专学历的人年龄在 18 至 28 岁之间，具有学士学位的人年龄在20 至 30 岁之间，以及具有学士学位以上的人学位年龄在 25 至 35 岁之间。我们的结果表明，黑人工人的平均职业生涯工资低于白人工人。最明显的是黑人之间的差距：高中，一些大学，本科和以上学历的群体分别为 14.6，9.0，10.4和 11.3。因素 2： 同工同酬下一个因素是工人停留在同一台阶上时乘坐自动扶梯的速度， 即保持相同工作的工人的工资增长。文中报告了我们归类为“在职者”（连续从事全职工作）或“在职者”（在全职工作之间切换）的 工人的实际每小时平均

51、收入增长。各组的在职人员的工资增幅相当 相似，尽管黑人妇女的增幅明显较低。这表明，对于黑人工人来说， 乘坐自动扶梯的速度大约与保持相同工作的白人工人一样快。因此， 对于继续从事同一工作的黑人工人来说，几乎没有甚至没有消除早 期职业收入差距的情况。因素 3：工作转移和相关的工资增长我们的第三个因素承认，并不是每个人都站在自动扶梯上有些人走路或跑步。相当于劳动力市场的是从一个工作转到另一个工作的工人。正如 Daly 和 Hobijn（2016）所显示的，职位到职位的变化在总工资增长的水平和周期性中占很大一部分。为了量化这种运行的效果，我们需要知道两件事：换工作的工人的工资增加幅度和换工的频率。关于

52、转换作业的收益。将第一行和第二行进行比较，可以看出， 转职者往往比在职者获得更高的工资增长。尽管从统计上讲非常嘈 杂，但看来黑人对于调职人员的工资增长低于在职人员。至少，对 于黑人来说，没有像白人那样从工作转换中受益的明确信号。文中提供了有关工人使自动扶梯运行的频率的证据。在那些连续工作的人中，黑人工人比白人工人换工作的频率要高一些，尽管通常这种差异很小。因此，由于黑人工人的工作转换不会加速，而黑人工人的平均工资增长会减少，因此，转换工作对收入差距不存在或具有负面影响。因素 4：工作过渡我们调查的最后一个因素是工人群体跌倒或离开自动扶梯的比 率。文中部分突出显示了黑人工人全职和兼职的流失率较高

53、。前两 行报告年度全职就业过渡率，中两行报告每月全职就业平均过渡率， 后两行报告往返于任何类型就业的月均过渡率。我们的研究结果表明，黑人工人的工作率要高于白人工人，最大的不同是黑人和白人之间的差异。尽管每个组中的年度全职离职率和找工作率大致相等，但不同种族之间（按性别）的差异很大。在每月的水平上，黑人工人离职的频率更高，但雇用率仅略高于白人工人（不包括黑人女性的全职工作）。结果，黑人工人的非全职/ 非就业时间平均更长，时间更长。过渡率的巨大差异很重要，因为打工中断通常会阻碍职业工资的增长。该证据表明，黑人工人比白人工人更容易跌倒工资自动扶梯，从而减缓了工资增长。2.2 特定组的工资在这里，我们

54、要问这四个因素差异对黑人工人的工作生活可能产生什么影响。不幸的是，来自 CPS 的数据不允许我们构造单个工人的工资自动扶梯或将这些自动扶梯的步调分解为我们上面讨论的四个因素的重要性。但是，我们可以使用 CPS 基于综合队列分析特定群体的工资自动扶梯，以分析职业早期到中期之间的差距是如何发展的。这些自动扶梯的构造方法如下：每年，我们获取具有高中文凭 的 1727 岁工人，具有大学学历的 1828 岁工人，具有学士学位的 2030 岁工人的工资，拥有学士学位以上的 25-35 岁年龄段的人， 每个“队列”都跟踪 15 年。实际上，这意味着五年后，我们将研究各个组中 22 至 32 岁，23 至 33 岁，25 至 35 岁和 30 至 40 岁的工资； 十年后，我们考察了各组中 27-37 岁，28-38 岁，30-40 岁和 35-45岁工人的工资；等等。假设 CPS 提供了这些特定群体年龄组的代表性样本，则该综合面板可以很好地近似我们群体的职业工资状况。2.2.1 工资自动扶梯的速度差距在图