服装商品链中的国际贸易和产业升级[外文翻译]

1、本科毕业论文外文翻译外文题目： international trade and industrial upgrading in the apparel commodity chain 出 处： journal of international economics 作 者： gary gereffi abstractthis article uses a global commodity chains perspective to analyze the social and organizational dimensions of international trade networks. i

2、n linking international trade and industrial upgrading, this article specifies: the mechanisms by which organizational learning occurs in trade networks; typical trajectories from assembly to oem and obm export roles; and the organizational conditions that facilitate industrial upgrading moves such

3、as the shift from assembly to full-package networks. the empirical focus is the apparel industry, with an emphasis on asia. globalization has altered the competitive dynamics of nations, firms, and industries. this is most clearly seen in changing patterns of international trade, where the explosive

4、 growth of imports in developed countries indicates that the center of gravity for the production and export of many manufactures has moved to an ever expanding array of newly industrializing economies (nies) in the third world. this shift is central to the east asian miracle, which refers to the ha

5、ndful of high-performing asian economies that have attained lofty per capita growth rates, relatively low income inequality, high educational attainment, record levels of domestic saving and investment, and booming exports from the 1960s to the mid-1990s (world bank, 1993). regardless of whether the

6、 growth is due to productivity gains or to capital accumulation (krugman, 1994; young, 1994,1995), their economic achievement is largely attributed to the adoption of export-oriented industrialization as the regions main development strategy.this view of international trade as the fulcrum for sustai

7、ned economic growth in east asia, while unassailable in its macroeconomic basics, nonetheless leaves a number of critical questions unanswered in terms of the microinstitutional foundations supporting east asian development. why were japan and the east asian nies (south korea, taiwan, hong kong and

8、singapore) so successful in exporting to distant western markets, given the formidable spatial and cultural distances that had to be bridged? how were these east asian nations able to sustain their high rates of export-oriented growth over three to four decades, in the face of a variety of adverse e

9、conomic factors such as oil price hikes, rising wage rates, labor shortages, currency appreciations, a global recession, and spreading protectionism in their major export markets? under what conditions can trade- based growth become a vehicle for genuine industrial upgrading, given the frequent crit

10、icisms made of low-wage, low-skill, assembly-oriented export ac- tivities? do asias accomplishments in trade-led industrialization contain signifi- cant lessons for other regions of the world?this article will address these questions using a global commodity chains framework. a commodity chain refer

11、s to the whole range of activities involved in the design, production, and marketing of a product. a critical distinction in this approach is between buyer-driven and producer-driven commodity chains. japan in the 1950s and 1960s, the east asian nies during the 1970s and 1980s, and china in the 1990

12、s became world-class exporters primarily by mastering the dynamics of buyer-driven commodity chains, which supply a wide range of labor-intensive consumer products such as apparel, footwear, toys, and sporting goods. the key to success in east asias buyer-driven chains was to move from the mere asse

13、mbly of imported inputs (traditionally associated with export- processing zones) to a more domestically integrated and higher value-added form of exporting known alternatively as full-package supply or oem (originalequipment manufacturing) production. subsequently, japan and some firms in the east a

14、sian nies pushed beyond the oem export role to original brand name manufacturing (obm) by joining their production expertise with the design and sale of their own branded merchandise in domestic and overseas markets.from a global commodity chains perspective, east asias transition from assembly to f

15、ull-package supply derives in large measure from its ability to establish close linkages with a diverse array of lead firms in buyer-driven chains. lead firms are the primary sources of material inputs, technology transfer, and knowledge in these organizational networks. in the apparel commodity cha

16、in, different types of lead firms use different networks and source in different parts of the world. retailers and marketers tend to rely on full-package sourcing networks, in which they buy ready-made apparel primarily from asia, where manufacturers in places like hong kong, taiwan and south korea

17、have historically specialized in this kind of production. as wage levels in those countries have gone up, east asian manufacturers have tende to develop multilayered global sourcing net- works where low-wage assembly can be done in other parts of asia, africa and latin america, while the nie manufac

18、turers play a critical coordinating role in the full-package production process. branded manufacturers, by contrast, tend to create production networks that focus on apparel assembly using imported inputs. whereas full-package sourcing networks are generally global, production networks established b

19、y branded manufacturers are predominantly regional. us manufactur- ers go to mexico and the caribbean basin, european union firms look to north africa and eastern europe, and japan and the east asian nies look to lower-wage regions within asia.industrial upgrading, from this perspective, involves or

20、ganizational learning to improve the position of firms or nations in international trade networks (gereffi and tam, 1998). participation in global commodity chains is a necessary step for industrial upgrading because it puts firms and economies on potentially dynamic learning curves. there are many

21、obstacles, however, to moving up these chains from labor-intensive activities like export-oriented assembly, to more integrated forms of manufacturing like oem and obm production, to the most profitable and / or skill-intensive economic activities such as breakthrough innovations in new goods and se

22、rvices, design, marketing, and finance. therefore, we need to address not only why industrial upgrading occurs in global commodity chains, but also how it occurs. a commodity chains framework that attempts to link international trade and industrial upgrading must specify: the mechanisms by which org

23、aniza- tional learning occurs in trade networks; typical trajectories among export roles; and the organizational conditions that facilitate industrial upgrading moves such as the shift from assembly to full-package networks.the economic theory of industrial upgrading is that as capital (both human a

24、nd physical) becomes more abundant relative to labor and the endowments of other countries, nations develop comparative advantages in capital- and skill-intensive industries (porter, 1990). this article will show, however, that upgrading does not occur to a random set of capital- or skill-intensive

25、industries or activities, but rather to products that are organizationally related through the lead firms in global commodity chains.the microfoundations of this upgrading pattern involve both forward (market- ing) and backward (sourcing) linkages from production, and the kind of learning that occur

26、s across these segments. with regard to marketing, countries that are upgrading within commodity chains have already identified the buyers for their products within the chains. the implication is that marketing outside the chain is more difficult due to search costs and the fact that foreign buyers

27、provide access to information that assists local suppliers in their export and marketing efforts (rheeet al., 1984). for sourcing linkages, both technological and tacit knowledge exists about how and where to establish new export capacity for finished products. there is a clear pattern of organizati

28、onal succession in buyer-driven chains, however, whereby foreign buyers that occupy distinct positions (or price points) in the retail sectors of their home markets source from each of the major asian exporting nations in distinctive cycles or sequences (gereffi, 1994). this succession mechanism dri

29、ves the geographical expansion of global sourcing networks, as buyers for less expensive goods are pushed into lower-cost production sites, and it is also crucial for industrial upgrading because the higher price points of fashionable retailers reflect more complicated products and differentiated st

30、yles.our empirical focus in this article will be the apparel industry, with an emphasis on asia. this selection is justified on multiple grounds. apparel is one of the oldest and largest export industries in the world. most nations produce for the international textile and apparel market (dickerson,

31、 1995, p. 6), making this one of the most global of all industries. apparel is the typical starter industry for countries engaged in export-oriented industrialization, and it played the leading role in east asias early export growth. the apparel industry is a prototypical buyer-driven commodity chai

32、n because it generates a highly aggressive pattern of global sourcing through a variety of organizational channels, including giant cost-driven discount chains (wal-mart, kmart, or target), upscale branded marketers (liz claiborne, tommy hilfiger, nautica), apparel specialty stores (the limited, the

33、 gap), and burgeoning private label programs among mass merchan- dise retailers (jc penney, sears). finally, apparel embodies two contrasting production systems characteristic of buyer-driven chains: the assembly and the oem models. whereas the assembly model is a form of industrial subcontracting i

34、n which manufacturers provide the parts for simple assembly to garment sewing plants, the oem model is a form of commercial subcontracting in which the buyerseller linkage between foreign merchants and domestic manufacturers allows for a greater degree of local learning about the upstream and downst

35、ream segments of the apparel chain.the organization of the paper is as follows. first, the global commodity chains framework will be outlined, with an emphasis on the structure and dynamics of buyer-driven chains. second, the role of each of the big buyers (retailers, marketers and manufacturers) in

36、 forging global sourcing networks in the apparel commodity chain will be highlighted. third, an industrial upgrading framework is introduced to help account for the most significant trade shifts among global apparel exporters. the organizational basis for upgrading is associated with different kinds

37、 of buyerseller links, and distinct patterns of organizational succession among foreign buyers in exporting nations. fourth, from a commodity chains perspective, industrial upgrading is associated with the process of building, extending, coordinating and completing integrated production and trade ne

38、tworks in asia. these networks are resilient forms of social capital that are a valuable competitive asset in the global economy. fifth, we will assess the implications of the asian experience for the sourcing of apparel in north america. the united states currently is importing garments from mexico

39、 and the caribbean basin countries that have been assembled using us inputs. our analysis of industrial upgrading in asia suggests that mexico will have to move beyond assembly production and establish a full-package or oem model in order to promote an integrated north american commodity chain. if f

40、ull-package supply does succeed in mexico, however, it will utilize very different kinds of networks than those found in asia because of inter-regional variations in the industrial and spatial organization of the apparel commodity chain.1. producer-driven and buyer-driven global commodity chainsin g

41、lobal capitalism, economic activity is not only international in scope, it is also global in organization. internationalization refers to the geographic spread of economic activities across national boundaries. as such, it is not a new phenom- enon; indeed, it has been a prominent feature of the wor

42、ld economy since at least the 17th century when colonial empires began to carve up the globe in search of raw materials and new markets for their manufactured exports. globalization is much more recent than internationalization because it implies the functional integration and coordination of intern

43、ationally dispersed activities.industrial and commercial capital have promoted globalization by establishing two distinct types of international economic networks: producer-driven andbuyer-driven commodity chains (fig. 1). producer-driven commodity chains are those in which large, usually transnatio

44、nal, manufacturers play the central roles in coordinating production networks (including their backward and forward link- ages). this is characteristic of capital- and technology-intensive industries such as automobiles, aircraft, computers, semiconductors and heavy machinery. the automobile industr

45、y offers a classic illustration of a producer-driven chain, with multilayered production systems that involve thousands of firms (including parents, subsidiaries and subcontractors). the average japanese automakers production system, for example, comprises 170 first-tier, 4700 second-tier, and31 600

46、 third-tier subcontractors (hill, 1989, p. 466). florida and kenney (1991) have found that japanese automobile manufacturers actually reconstituted many aspects of their home-country supplier networks in north america. doner (1991) extends this framework to highlight the complex forces that drive ja

47、panese automakers to create regional production schemes for the supply of auto parts in a half-dozen nations in east and southeast asia. henderson (1989) and borrus (1997) also support the notion that producer-driven commodity chains have established an east asian division of labor in their studies

48、of the internationaliza- tion of the us and japanese semiconductor industries.译 文：服装商品链中的国际贸易和产业升级摘要：本文使用一个全球商品链的角度去分析社会和组织层面的国际贸易网络。在连接国际贸易和产业升级上，本文说明：发生在贸易网络的组织学习机构；从组装到oem与自有品牌出口的典型轨迹；以及有利于如从装配转移到产业升级的全包网络。实证的重点是对亚洲服装行业的重视。全球化已经改变了国家，企业和产业的竞争态势。这最清晰地反映在国际贸易模式的改变，其中发达国家进口的爆炸性增长表明，生产和许多制成品出口的重心已经转移

49、到了在不断扩大阵营的新兴工业化经济体的第三世界里。从60年代初至90年代中期这种转变的核心是“东亚奇迹”,它指的是为数不多的高绩效的亚洲经济体已经达到了高的人均增长率、相对较低的收入不平等,高等教育素质,创记录的国内储蓄和投资,以及快速增长的出口（世界银行，1993）。无论增长是否是由于生产力收益或资本积累（克鲁格曼，1994年，年轻，1994,1995），他们的经济成就在很大程度上归功于该地区的主要发展战略是采用外向型产业化。这观点作为经济持续增长的东亚国际贸易的支点，在其宏观经济基本无懈可击，但在支持东亚发展方面还有一些基础条件问题还没有解决。为什么日本和东亚新兴工业化经济体（韩国，台湾，

50、香港和新加坡）能成功出口到遥远的西方市场，由于强大的空间和文化的距离相互了解了吗？为何这些东亚国际在面对各种各样不利的经济因素如石油价格上涨，工资率上升，劳动力短缺，货币升值，全球经济衰退，还能维持出口导向型增长超过三四十年的高增长率，并在其主要的出口市场传播保护主义？由于低工资，低技术，组装为主的出口交流频繁的受到批评，在什么条件下可以以贸易为主的经济增长成为一个真正的产业升级工具？而亚洲以贸易为主的工业化中是否暗含了世界其他地区的教训呢？本文将针对这些问题采用全球商品链的框架。商品链是指整个的活动范围参与设计、生产、销售的一种产品。这种方法的一个重要区别是买方驱动和生产者驱动的商品链。日本

51、在20世纪50年代和60年代，东亚新兴工业化国家在70年代和80年代，和在20世纪90年代中国成为主要由掌握了买方驱动商品链的动态，供应的劳动力密集型产品种类繁多的消费世界级的出口国如服装，鞋类，玩具和体育用品。东亚的买方驱动链成功的关键在于从进口投入仅仅装配（传统与出口加工区相关）转向更为国内综合性和高附加值的出口称为全包或者供应形式或oem的生产。随后，日本和东亚新兴工业化经济体以外的一些公司oem出口推动作用，原品牌制造(obm自创品牌)通过加入他们的生产经验和设计,开发了自己的品牌商品销售国内及海外市场。从全球商品链的角度来看，东亚从组装过渡到全包供应很打程度上与其自身能力，建立龙头企

52、业，在买方驱动链多样化有密切联系。龙头企业是在这些组织网络知识方面物质投入，技术转移的主要来源。在服装商品链，在世界不同地区不同类型的龙头企业使用不同网络和来源。零售商和销售商往往依赖于全采购网络，他们主要从亚洲，如香港，台湾地区和韩国厂商在这历史上这种专门生产服装包那里买现成的。因为这些国家的工资水平上升，东亚制造商评标发展多层次的全球采购网络在低工资的程序可以在亚洲，非洲和拉丁美洲的其他地方进行，而新型工业化经济的厂商在全包的生产过程中发挥了关键的协调作用。相反，品牌制造商往往把重点放在服装生产网络装配上使用进口投入。而全包的全球采购网络，主要是区域性的，一般由品牌厂家建立的美国的制造工艺

53、，再培训计划前往墨西哥和加勒比海盆地，欧盟企业寻找到北非和东欧，日本和东亚新兴工业化经济体期望在亚洲低工资地区。产业升级，从这个角度看，涉及到组织学习，以提高公司或国家在国际贸易网络中的位置（格里芬和谭，1998）。全球商品生产链是一个产业升级的必要步骤，因为它把潜在的企业和经济放在了动态的学习曲线上。这里存在诸多障碍,然而,被这链子捆锁在外向型的活动,例如从劳动密集型的组装,对综合的形式的制造像oem和obm自创品牌的产品,最有利可图或技术密集型的经济活动,如突破创新,在新产品和服务、设计、销售和财务。因此，我们不仅需要解决产业升级为什么会出现在全球商品链，而且还要知道它是如何发生的。一个商品链框架，试图连结国际贸易和产业升级必须注明：在贸易网络中该机构是通过什么组织学习的；出口作用中的典型轨迹；以及有利于如从装配到全包网络的产业升级的组织条件。产业升级的经济理论是，随着资本（包括人力和物质的）变得比其他国家的劳动力和禀赋更丰富，国家有发展资本密集型和技术密集型产业的比较优势（波特，1990）。这篇文