国际经贸高级英语精读第1单元课文翻译及答案

1、国 际 经 贸 高 级 英 语 精读与翻译 罗 汉 主编 刘汉华 协编内容提要内容提要 本书是国际经济学和国际贸易学专业英语精读与翻译教材。本书是国际经济学和国际贸易学专业英语精读与翻译教材。全书共有课文全书共有课文20篇，主要选自美、英等国出版的最新经济学篇，主要选自美、英等国出版的最新经济学专著和刊物原文素材，内容极为丰富，涉及一般经济学理论、专著和刊物原文素材，内容极为丰富，涉及一般经济学理论、国际金融、国际贸易、国际投资、企业管理、中国经济改革、国际金融、国际贸易、国际投资、企业管理、中国经济改革、中外经济关系等经贸领域。同时，本书结合课文还配有词组中外经济关系等经贸领域。同时，本书结

2、合课文还配有词组(包括专有名词包括专有名词)的解释，短语、句子和段落的中译英，以培养的解释，短语、句子和段落的中译英，以培养学生的阅读和翻译能力。颇具特色的是：本书配套了专业英学生的阅读和翻译能力。颇具特色的是：本书配套了专业英语的写作训练，以提高学习者的英语写作能力；本书在每篇语的写作训练，以提高学习者的英语写作能力；本书在每篇课文后还配了补充阅读材料，它们与课文有很大的相关性，课文后还配了补充阅读材料，它们与课文有很大的相关性，拓展了读者的阅读面和理解深度。本书内容新颖、选材精当、拓展了读者的阅读面和理解深度。本书内容新颖、选材精当、编排合理、重点突出，既可作为高等学校经济、贸易、金融、编

3、排合理、重点突出，既可作为高等学校经济、贸易、金融、管理等学科的专业英语教材，或作为任何涉外经济工作者的管理等学科的专业英语教材，或作为任何涉外经济工作者的英语自学课本，也可以作为准备和参加博士生专业英语英语自学课本，也可以作为准备和参加博士生专业英语(经管经管类类)考试的参考读物。考试的参考读物。Unit OneKnowledge and Economic GrowthTEXT Starting as low-income economies in the 1960s, a few economies in East Asia managed, in a few decades, to br

4、idge all or nearly all of the income gap that separated them from the high-income economies of the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Meanwhile many other developing economies stagnated. 一些东亚国家在20世纪60年代还是低收入国家，但是在短短的几十年之间，他们成功地弥补了其与经济合作与发展组织（OECD）中高收入国家之间的差距；与此同时，也有许多发展中国

5、家的经济停滞不前。 What made the difference? One way to grow is by developing hitherto unexploited land. Another is to accumulate physical capital: roads, factories, telephone networks. A third is to expand the labor force and increase its education and training. But Hong Kong (China) and Singapore had almos

6、t no land. They did invest heavily in physical capital and in educating their populations, but so did many other economies. During the 1960s through the 1980s the Soviet Union accumulated more capital as a share of its gross domestic product (GDP) than did Hong Kong (China), the Republic of Korea, S

7、ingapore, or Taiwan (China). And it increased the education of its population in no trivial measure. Yet the Soviets generated far smaller increases in living standards during that period than did these four East Asian economies. 造成这种差距的原因是什么呢？发展的途径之一便是开发未开垦过的土地；之二是积累实物资本，例如公路，工厂，电话网络；之三则是增加劳动力数量并提高

8、教育培训程度。但香港（中国）和新加坡土地资源稀少，他们确实在实物资本和国民教育上投资不少，但其他许多国家也是这样做的。在20世纪60年代到80年代，前苏联每年资本积累所占GDP的比重要高于香港（中国）、韩国、新加坡和台湾（中国），而且它在提高本国民众的教育水平上也是不遗余力，但这一时期前苏联国民生活水平的提高却远远落后于这四个东亚经济体。 Perhaps the difference was that the East Asian economies did not build, work, and grow harder so much as they built, worked, and

9、grew smarter. Could knowledge, then, have been behind East Asias surge? If so, the implications are enormous, for that would mean that knowledge is the key to developmentthat knowledge is development. How important was knowledge for East Asias growth spurt? This turned out not to be an easy question

10、 to answer. The many varieties of knowledge combine with its limited marketability to present a formidable challenge to anyone seeking to evaluate the effect of knowledge on economic growth. 也许差别在于：东亚国家在建设、管理和发展其经济方面，与其说他们是苦干了，不如说他们是巧干了。那么难道是知识支撑了东亚的崛起？如果真是这样，那么其蕴含的意义将是深远的，因为这就意味着知识是发展的关键因素知识就是发展。 知

11、识对东亚经济的快速增长有何重要意义？事实证明这是一个复杂的问题。各种知识与其有限的可销售性相结合给人们带来了巨大的挑战，这就使得评估知识对于经济增长的作用变得极其困难。 How, after all, does one put a price tag on and add up the various types of knowledge? What common denominator lets us sum the knowledge that firms use in their production processes; the knowledge that policymaking

12、institutions use to formulate, monitor, and evaluate policies; the knowledge that people use in their economic transactions and social interactions? What is the contribution of books and journals, of R&D spending, of the stock of information and communications equipment, of the learning and know

13、-how of scientists, engineers, and students? Compounding the difficulty is the fact that many types of knowledge are accumulated and exchanged almost exclusively within networks, traditional groups, and professional associations. That makes it virtually impossible to put a value on such knowledge. 毕

14、竟，我们如何才能对种类繁多的知识产品进行标价和合计？有什么共同标准使我们可以计算企业在其生产过程中使用的知识量；我们如何计算决策机构用了多少知识来制定、监督和评估其政策？我们如何计算人们用了多少知识来从事经济活动和社会活动？书刊，研究与开发的支出，信息与通讯设备存量，科学家工程师和学生们的学习与技术能力等要素各自的贡献有多大？更为复杂的是，许多知识实际上是在网络上、传统群体内和学术组织之间积累和交流的。那就使评估这种知识的可能性更加渺茫。 Reflecting these difficulties in quantifying knowledge, efforts to evaluate th

15、e aggregate impact of knowledge on growth have often proceeded indirectly, by postulating that knowledge explains the part of growth that cannot be explained by the accumulation of tangible and identifiable factors, such as labor or capital. The growth not accounted for by these factors of productio

16、nthe residual in the calculationis attributed to growth in their productivity, that is, using the other factors smarter, through knowledge. This residual is sometimes called the Solow residual, after the economist Robert M. Solow, who spearheaded the approach in the 1950s, and what it purports to me

17、asure is conventionally called total factor productivity (TFP) growth. 考虑到量化知识的困难，人们通常都用了间接的方式来衡量知识在经济增长中的总效果。我们假设：凡是经济增长中那些不能被有形的要素（如劳动力和资本）所解释的部分，都用知识来解释。因为增长中不能由有形生产要素所解释的部分计算中的残差都归功于要素生产率的提高；也就是说，我们通过知识更有效地利用了其它的要素。这种残差有时被称为“索洛残差”，得名于经济学家罗伯特M索洛，他在20世纪50年代率先提出这一方法；这一方法所要度量的就是通常所称的全要素生产力（TFP）增长。 S

18、ome also call the Solow residual a measure of our ignorance, because it represents what we cannot account for. Indeed, we must be careful not to attribute all of TFP growth to knowledge, for there may be other factors lurking in the Solow residual. Many other things do contribute to growthinstitutio

19、ns are an examplebut are not reflected in the contributions of t he more measurable factors. Their effect is (so far) inextricably woven into TFP growth. 也有人说“索洛残差”是测量我们无知程度的工具，因为该残差所反映的是我们无法解释的内容。事实上，我们确实需要明确一点；不要把全要素生产里的增长全归功于知识。这是因为“索洛残差”中也许还隐藏其它要素。许多其它要素也确实为经济增长作了不少贡献，制度就是一个例子，它并不反映于其它更易度量的要素之中，

20、它们的影响（至今）难解难分地交织于TFP增长之中。 In early TFP analyses, physical capital was modeled as the only country-specific factor that could be accumulated to better peoples lives. Technical progress and other intangible factors were said to be universal, equally available to all people in all countries, and thus c

21、ould not explain growth differences between countries. Their contributions to growth were lumped with the TFP growth numbers. Although this assumption was convenient, it quickly became obvious that physical capital was not the only factor whose accumulation drove economic growth. A study that analyz

22、ed variations in growth rates across a large number of countries showed that the accumulation of physical capital explained less than 30 percent of those variations. The rest70 percent or morewas attributed directly or indirectly to the intangible factors that make up TFP growth (Table 1.1). 在早期的TFP

23、分析中，实物资本被模型为唯一的国别要素，只有它的集聚能带来人们生活水平的提高。而技术进步和其他的无形要素被认为是世界性的、所有国家的所有人都可以利用的要素，这样就导致我们无法解释不同国家之间的增长差异，它们对经济增长的贡献和TFP的增长数值被混在了一起。尽管这样的假设是非常方便的，但是人们很快就发现；实物资本绝不是唯一能通过积累来带动经济增长的要素。有一项研究，对一大批国家的经济增长率差异进行了分析，结果表明实物资本的积累只能解释其中不到30%差异。而剩下的70%甚至更多直接或间接的应归功于由无形要素带来的TFP的增长（表1.1）。 Later attempts introduced huma

24、n capital to better explain the causes of economic growth. A higher level of education in the population means that more people can learn to use better technology. Education was surely a key ingredient in the success of four of the fastest growing East Asian economies: Hong Kong (China), the Republi

25、c of Korea, Singapore, and Taiwan (China). Before their transformation from developing into industrializing economies, their school enrollment rates had been much higher than those of other developing countries (Table 1.2). 后来的分析引入了人力资本以更好地解释经济增长的原因。国民受教育程度越高就会有越多的人可利用先进的技术。教育肯定是东亚四个快速增长的经济体成功的一大关键因

26、素：它们是香港（中国）、韩国、新加坡、以及台湾（中国）。在它们从发展中经济体变成工业化经济体之前，其入学率远远高于其他发展中国家 (表1.2) 。 They had also emphasized advanced scientific and technical studiesas measured by their higher ratios of students in technical fields than in even some industrial countriesthus enhancing their capacity to import sophisticated t

27、echnologies. Moreover, the importance of education for economic growth had long been recognized and established empirically. One study had found that growth in years of schooling explained about 25 percent of the increase in GDP per capita in the United States between 1929 and 1982. 同时它们还很重视先进科技的研究，

28、技术专业的学生比率甚至高于一些发达国家，由此这些国家输入国外成熟技术的能力也就增强了。更重要的是，教育对于经济增长的重要性早已被事实和经验所证实。有一项研究发现，从1929年到1982年，美国人受教育年数的增长可以解释大概25%的人均GDP的增长。 Adding education reduced the part of growth that could not be explained, thus shrinking the haystack in which TFP growth (and knowledge) remained hidden. Some analysts even co

29、ncluded, perhaps too quickly, that physical and human capital, properly accounted for, explained all or virtually all of the East Asian economies rapid growth, leaving knowledge as a separate factor out of the picture(Box 1.2). 在引入教育这个因素后，经济增长中不可解释的部分减少了，于是TFP增长（及知识）的藏身之处也变小了。一些分析家甚至已经总结说也许太快了点：经适当运

30、算，实物资本和人力资本解释了所有的或者说几乎所有的东亚经济体的快速增长，而在整个框架中只留下知识这一独立的因素。这些分析人员之所以得出TFP增长数值很低的原因之一，是他们把劳动力和设备的改进都融入了要素积累的计量之中。 One reason these analysts came up with low values for TFP growth is that they incorporated improvements in labor and equipment into their measurement of factor accumulation. So even their ev

31、idence of low TFP growth in East Asia does not refute the importance of closing knowledge gaps. Indeed, it shows that the fast-growing East Asian economies had a successful strategy to close knowledge gaps: by investing in the knowledge embodied in physical capital, and by investing in people and in

32、stitutions to enhance the capability to absorb and use knowledge. 所以即便他们得出东亚经济体TFP增长率低的证据，也并不否认缩小知识差距的重要性。它其实表明了这些飞速发展的东亚经济体运用了一个成功的战略来缩小知识差距：一方面对体现为实物资本的知识进行投资，一方面对人员和机构进行投资，以提高他们吸收和利用知识的能力。 Looking beyond East Asia, other growth accounting studies have examined larger samples of countries. Even wh

33、en human capital is accounted for, the unexplained part of growth remains high. One such study, of 98 countries with an unweighted average growth rate of output per worker of 2.24 percent, found that 34 percent (0.76 percentage point) of that growth came from physical capital accumulation, 20 percen

34、t (0.45 percentage point) from human capital accumulation, and as much as 46 percent(just over 1 percentage point) from TFP growth. 跳出东亚的圈子，其他一些关于解释发展的研究选取了更多的国家来做样本。这些研究发现，即使考虑了人力资本，经济增长中不能被解释部分的比重仍然很高。比如有一项以98个国家为样本的研究显示，未加权的平均工人产出增长率为2.24%，其中只有34%（约0.76个百分点）来自实物资本的积累，20%（0.45个百分点）来自人力资本的积累，余下有多达4

35、6%（超过1个百分点）的比重全来自TFP的增长。 Even more remains to be explained in variations in growth rates across countries. The same study found the combined role of human and physical capital to be as low as 9 percent, leaving the TFP residual at a staggering 91 percent. To take another example：Korea and Ghana had

36、similarly low incomes per capita in the 1950s, but by 1991 Koreas income per capita was more than seven times Ghanas. Much of that gap remains unexplained even when human capital is taken into account (Figure 1.2). 而在各国经济增长率之间的差异上，不能被解释的部分的比重甚至会更高。同项研究表明，人力资本和实物资本合一起最低的只能解释9%的经济增长,TFP的残差此时达到了惊人的91%。

37、另外一个实例是，在20世纪50年代，韩国和加纳的人均收入差不多一样低，但是到了1991年，韩国的人均收入是加纳的7倍还多。即便考虑了人力资本的因素，这样大的差距仍然有很大一部分不能被解释。 All these results are subject to measurement problems. For example, the measured stock of human capital may overstate the actual quantity used in producing goods and services. High rates of school enrollme

38、nt or attainment (years completed) may not translate into higher rates of economic growth if the quality of education is poor, or if educated people are not employed at their potential because of distortions in the labor market. 所有的这些研究结果都受制于测量方法上的局限性。比如说，被计量的人力资本的存量可能夸大了实际用于制造产品和提供服务的人力资本数量。较高的就学率或

39、受教育程度（学习年数）不一定能转化为更高的经济增长率,如果教育质量很差，或者受教育的人在一个被扭曲的劳动力市场里不能人尽其用的话。 Moreover, it is now evident that education without openness to innovation and knowledge will not lead to economic development. The people of the former Soviet Union, like the people of the OECD countries and East Asia, were highly edu

40、cated, with nearly 100 percent literacy. And for an educated population it is possible, through foreign direct investment and other means, to acquire and use information about the latest production and management innovations in other countries. 而且现在人们都已经意识到，如果缺乏对创新和知识的开放态度，这样的教育也不会带来经济的发展。前苏联的民众同经合组

41、织以及东亚的那些经济体的民众一样，具有很高的教育水平，有几乎100%的识字率。对于这样一个教育水平较高的民众，通过外国直接投资或者其他的途径，就有可能获得和利用别的国家在生产和管理创新方面的最新信息。 But the Soviet Union placed severe restrictions on foreign investment, foreign collaboration, and innovation. Its work force did not adapt and change as new information became available elsewhere in

42、the world, and consequently its economy suffered a decline. (excerpted from World Development Report 1998/1999) 但是前苏联却对外国投资、本国与外国的合作以及创新进行了严格的限制。当新的信息在世界上其他地方被利用的时候，前苏联的劳动力却不能 及 时 地 适 应 和 改 变 ， 这 便 导 致 了 它 经 济 的 衰 败 。（节选自世界发展报告1998/1999）Exercises. Translate the following into English, using the word

43、s or phrases in the text:1. 对经济增长必不可少的实物资本的积累the accumulation of physical capital indispensable to economic growth2. 引进国外的先进设备和技术诀窍to import advanced equipment and know-how from abroad3. 占世界技术贸易总量90%的许可证贸易 license trade accounting for 90 per cent of the total volume of the worlds trade of technology

44、4. 经济发展中所反映出来的人力资本的匮乏5. 高科技对产业调整的重大影响the great impact of high technology on the adjustment of industries6. 推动经济增长的关键因素key factors driving economic growth7. 从一个农业国向工业国的转型 the transformation from an agricultural nation into an industrial onelack of human capital reflected in economic development8. 构成全

45、要素生产率增长的有形和无形因素9. 隐藏在技术进步之后的教育系统的改善the improvement of educational systems lurking in technological progress10. 该产业中资本与劳动力的比率the ratio of capital to labour in this industry11. 增加劳动力数量并提高其教育培训程度 expand the labour force and increase its education and trainingthe tangible and intangible factors making u

46、p the total factor productivity growth12. 研发部门在跨国公司经营中的作用13. 一份对多国技术进步情况进行分析的报告 a study report analyzing variations in technical progress across a large number of countries14. 把计量和模型结合引入经济分析to incorporate quantity and models into economic analysis15. 发达国家和发展中国家在收入上的巨大差距great gap in incomes between d

47、eveloped and developing nationsthe role of the R&D department in the operations of multinational corporations. Translate the following sentences into English:1. 不少经济学家认为，像香港、新加坡这样土地稀少的地区，其经济的快速发展应该主要归功于教育程度的提高。在此基础上，经济学家们得出了结论：知识是这些国家或地区经济发展的主要因素。 (attribute to) Many economists attributed the ra

48、pid economic growth rate of some land-desiring areas, such as Hong Kong and Singapore, to the enhancement of educational levels of their populations. Based on this, they drew their conclusion that knowledge is the key to their economic development.2. 60年代，日本在从发达国家大量引进尖端技术和技术诀窍的基础上，进行了大规模的经济扩张活动，使日本的

49、经济在短短的20年间迅速赶上了世界先进水平。(know-how) In the 1960s, on the basis of importing much sophisticated technology and Know-how from developed countries, Japan expanded its economy on a large scale, enabling its economy to keep up with the most advanced level of the world in a short period of 20 years.3. 新经济理论的

50、发展给统计学提出了许多课题，例如，高就学率并不意味着经济的高增长率，如果教育质量很差，或受过教育的人们在一个扭曲的劳动力市场上不能人尽其用的话。(be employed at ones potential; translate into) The development of new economic theories has raised many subjects to statistics. For example, high rates of school enrollment may not translate into high rates of economic growth i

51、f the quality of education is poor, or if educated people are not employed at their potential because of distortion in the labor market.4. 1994年，在经过长期研究之后，著名经济学家克鲁格曼发表了一份对多国技术进步情况调查的报告。他指出，亚洲的经济不是建立在技术进步的基础上，所以含有很多泡沫。3年后爆发的东南亚经济危机证实了他的猜想。(variations in technical progress) In 1994, after a long perio

52、d of research, the famous economist Krugman presented a study report analyzing variations in technical progress across a large number of countries. He said in the report that the economic development of Asia was not based on the progress of technology, so the economy contained much foam. Three years later, the sudden br