罗斯福总统就职演说

1 / 24 罗斯福总统就职演说 对罗斯福总统就职演讲的批评话语分析 作者：白意良 来源：现代交际 2016 年第 06 期 摘要批评话语分析作为一种较新的语言研究方法，常常用于分析政治语篇。本文将以系统功能语法为基础，批评话语分析为框架，从词汇、及物性及情态三个方面对罗斯福总统第一次就职演讲进行分析，将语篇分析理论与当时美国所面临的重大经济、社会问题相结合，综合考量罗斯福总统的就职演讲中语言特色和不同之处，找出其广受欢迎、大获成功的原因。关键词批评话语分析 词汇 物性 情态 中图分类号 H052 文献标识码 A 文章编号1009-534906 0039 02 引言 批评话语分析作为一种较新的语言研究方法最早由等人在语言和控制一书中提出。批评话语分析也被称为批评语言学或批评语篇分析，是一门多学科的研究，涉及了心理学、语言学、社会学、传媒学等多个学科。其理论基础是韩礼德的系统功能语言学，起源于西方马克思主义，旨在透过语言表面的形式，从多个维度揭示话语、权力及意识形态之间的关系。第二次世界大战前，一些批评话语分析的原则已经在法兰克福学派的相关理论中得到体现 。 自诞生之日起，批评话语分析就展现了强大的生命力，上世纪末在欧洲国家得到大力的推广和发展。随着几位2 / 24 主流语言学家 Fairclough， Wodak， van Dijk 和 Fowler 对该领域学术研究的不断深入，越来越多的专家、学者投入到研究和实践的队伍中，相关学术著作不断增多，国际性合作项目不断出现，逐步形成了一股世界性的研究热潮。随着1991 年阿姆斯特丹批评话语分析专题研讨会的召开、语言与权力和语言、权力与意识形态等几本重要著作的出版，标志着批评话语分析开始形成一个系统的网络逐步走向成熟。近 几年来，国内很多研究者也对该学术领域产生了浓厚的兴趣。辛斌、戴炜华、叶起昌、纪玉华等学者对批评话语分析在国内的引进、传播和发展作出了突出贡献。 一、分析框架 辛斌指出目前批评话语分析还未构成一套完整的方法论，因此只能在方法上采取拿来主义。批评话语分析旨在揭示话语、权力及意识形态三者之间的关系。语篇，尤其政治语篇是多维度的和多功能的，因此对于语篇的分析不仅仅要研究语言本身，更为重要的是需着眼于话语的实践过程及其发生的社会语境分析。批评语言学认为语言是一个多功能的系统，因此 Halliday 的系统功能语言学自然就成为了它的理论依据和方法来源。 二、语料分析 富兰克林 ?罗斯福，美国历史上最伟大的总统之一，于 1933 年以绝对优势击败前任胡佛，成为美国第 32 届总统。3 / 24 罗斯福在 1933 年 3 月 4 日发表的演讲我们唯一害怕的就是害怕本身则成为了经典，下文作者将以这篇演讲为语料，以系统功能语法中的三大纯理功能为理论依据，从词汇、及物性和情态系统三个方面进行分析。 词汇 语言是一种人类对世界体验的反映，其中涉及的词汇包含物质、关系、概念的系统和信息传递的过程。词 汇是人们用来表达世界的重要工具，而在政治语篇尤其是总统发表的演说中，词汇充当着演讲者向受众传递信息的工具，同时演讲中蕴含的观点和意识形态也会通过演讲者所选择的词汇体现出来。罗斯福在第一次就职演讲中通过选择不同的词汇鲜明地亮出了自己的观点，实现了自己的政治目的。 罗斯福运用多种具有不同感情色彩的词语以适应不同语境、不同政治需求。例如，使用 terror、 retreat、 dark、difficulties、 curtailment、 withered leaves 等具有消极感情色彩的词汇，揭示整个国家面 临的严重问题；当作者严词谴责那些贪婪的商人、无能的政客和部分自私幼稚的美国人 没 有 为 自 己 的 国 家 作 出 应 有 的 贡 献 时 ， 选 用 了stubbornness、 incompetence、 failure、 unscrupulous、indicted 等词语。与之相反，当谈及人民的信心、民众的支持以及国家的未来时，罗斯福频繁使用 candor、 decision、firm、 belief、 support、 revive、 prosper 等具有积极感情4 / 24 色彩的词汇。总之，演讲者会根据不同的语言环境和特定的政治意图选择使用不同词汇和表达方式。 及物性分析 在传统语法中，及物性是一种能够根据是否接续宾语而区分动词间差别的研究工具。若一个动词后可以接宾语，那么它就是及物动词，反之就是非及物动词。然而在系统功能语法中，及物性系统却是一个语意系统，旨在把人类经验世界中的感官和行为分成容易操作的一组过程，并表明各种过程的参与者和环境成分。及物系统中主要有六种过程：物质过程、心理过程、关系过程、言语过程和存在过程。作者根据罗斯福此篇演讲的特点，将分别对语篇中出现的三种主要过程进行及物性分析。物质过程、心理过程、关系过程在此篇演讲中出现的次 数和所占比例统计如下： 我们不难看出，物质过程占用的篇幅最大，其次是心理过程和关系过程，三种过程加起来占所有过程的 %。 1.物质过程。物质过程是表示做某件事的过程，涉及两个参与者：动作者和目标，通常借助动词来表现。下面将选取两句加以分析：“ We must act and act quickly”和“ I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time”当罗斯福谈到新一届政府即将采取的措施以及自己坚定不移的信念和决 心时，使用物质过程，增强了演讲的煽动力和感染力，突出了政治语篇的威严和庄重。此外，两5 / 24 个过程中的动作者分别选用了 we 和 First Inaugural Address of Franklin D. Roosevelt SATURDAY, MARCH 4, 1933 I am certain that my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our Nation impels. This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure as it has endured, will revive and will prosper. So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself-nameless, ueasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life a leadership of frankness and vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days. In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face 6 / 24 our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment. Yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply. Primarily this is because the rulers of the exchange of 7 / 24 mankinds goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men. True they have tried, but their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They know only the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish. The money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of the restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit. Happiness lies not in the mere possession of 8 / 24 money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy and moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves and to our fellow men. Recognition of the falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live. Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation asks for action, and action now. 9 / 24 Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our natural resources. Hand in hand with this we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land. The task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, State, and local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying 10 / 24 of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, and unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities which have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped merely by talking about it. We must act and act quickly. Finally, in our progress toward a resumption of work we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order; there must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments; there must be an end to speculation with other peoples money, and there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency. There are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the several States. Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order 11 / 24 and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time and necessity secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor as a practical policy the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment, but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment. The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in all parts of the United States-a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that the recovery will endure. In the field of world policy I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor-the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights 12 / 24 of others- the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors. If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize as we have never realized before our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress is made, no leadership becomes effective. We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at a larger good. This I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in time of armed strife. With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems. 13 / 24 Action in this image and to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple and practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has produced. It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. It is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure. I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out 14 / 24 of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption. But in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, and in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis-broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe. For the trust reposed in me I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less. We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of the national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stem performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded and permanent national life. We do not distrust the future of essential 15 / 24 democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it. In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come. 译文： 富兰克林 -罗 斯福 第一次就职演讲 星期六 ,1933 年 3 月 4 日 我肯定，同胞们都期待我在就任总统时，会像我国目前形势所要求的那样，坦率而果断地向他们讲话。现在正是但白、勇敢地说出实话，说出全部实话的最好时刻，我们不必畏首畏尾，不着老实实面对我国今天的情况，这个伟大的国家会一如既住地坚持下去，它会复兴和繁荣起来。因此，让我首先表明我的坚定信念：我们唯一下得不害怕的就是害怕本身 一种莫明其妙的、丧失理智的、毫无根据的恐惧，它会把转退为进所需的种种努力化为泡影。凡在我国生活阴云密布的时刻，坦率而有活 力的领导都得到过人民的理解和支持，从而为胜利准备了必不可少的条件。我相信，在目前16 / 24 危急时刻，大家会再次给予同样的支持。 我们唯一不得不害怕的就是害怕本身 我和你们都要以这种槽神，来面对我们共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值难以想象地贬缩了；课税增加了，我们的支付能力下降了；各级政府面临着严重的收入短缺；交换手段在贸易过程中遭到了冻结；工业企业枯萎的落叶到处可见；农场主的产品找不到销路；千家万户多年的积蓄付之东流。 更重要的是，大批失业公民正面临严峻的生育问题，还有大批公民 正以艰辛的劳动换取微薄的报酬。只有愚蠢的乐天派会否认当前这些阴暗的现实。但是，我们的苦恼决不是因为缺乏物资。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫灾害。我们的先辈曾以信念和无畏一次次转危为安，比起他们经历过的险阻，我们仍大可感到欣慰。大自然仍在给予我们恩惠，人类的努力已使之倍增。富足的憎景近在咫尺，但就在我们见到这种情景的时候，宽裕的生活却悄然离去。这主要是因为主宰人类物资交换的统治者们失败了，他们固执己见而又无能为力，因而已经认定失败，并撒手不管了，贪得无厌的货币兑换商的种种行径，将受到舆论法庭的起诉，将受到人类心灵和理智 的唾弃。 幸福并不在于单纯地占有主钱；幸福还在于取得成就后的喜悦，在于创造性努力时的激情。务必不能再忘记劳17 / 24 动带来的喜悦和激励，而去疯狂地追逐那转瞬即逝的利润。如果这些暗淡的时日能使我们认识到，我们真正的夭命不是要别人侍奉，而是为自己和同胞们服务，那么，我们付出的代价就完全是值得的。认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，我们就会抛弃以地位尊严和个人收益为唯一标准。来衡量公职和高级政治地位的错误信念，我们必须制止银行界和企业界的一种行为，它常常使神圣的委托混同于无情和自私的不正当行为，难怪信心在 减弱，因为增强信心只有靠诚实、荣誉感、神圣的责任感，忠实地加以维护和无私地履行职责，而没有这些，就不可能有信心。 但是，复兴不仅仅要求改变伦理观念。这个国家要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。 根据宪法赋予我的职责、我准备提出一些措施，而一个受灾世界上的受灾国家也许需要这些措施。对于这些措施，以及国会根据本身的经验和智慧可能制订的其他类似措施，我将在宪法赋予我的权限内，设法迅速地予以采纳。 但是，如果国会拒不采纳这两条路线中的一条，如果国家紧急情况依然如故 ，我将下回避我所面临的明确的尽责方向。我将要求国会准许我使用唯一剩下的手殷来应付危机 向非常情况开战的广泛的行政权，就像我们真的遭到外敌人侵时授予我那样的广泛权力。 对大家寄予我的信任，我一定报以时代所要求的勇18 / 24 气和献身精神，我会竭尽全力。 让我们正视面前的严峻岁月，怀着举国一致给我们带来的热情和勇气，怀着寻求传统的、珍贵的道德观念的明确意识，怀着老老少少都能通过克尽职守而得到的问心无愧的满足。我们的国标是要保证国民生活的圆满和长治久安。 我们并不怀疑基本民主制度的 未来。合众国人民并没有失败。他们在困难中表达了自己的委托，即要求采取直接而有力的行动。他们要求有领导的纪律和方向。他们现在选择了我作为实现他们的愿望的工具。我接受这份厚赠。 在此举国奉献之际，我们谦卑地请求上帝赐福。愿上帝保佑我们大家和每一个人，愿上帝在未来的日子里指引我。 美国总统罗斯福的首次就职演说 值此我就职之际，同胞们肯定期望我以我国当前情势所要求的坦率和果断来发表演说。现在确实尤其有必要坦白而果干地谈一谈真情实况。我们没有必要去躲闪，不去老老实实地面对我国 今天的情况。我们的国家过去经得起考验，今后还经得起考验，复兴起来，繁荣下去。因此，首先，允许我申明我的坚定信念：我们唯一值得恐惧的就是恐惧本身 会使我们由后腿转而前进所需的努力瘫痪的那种无名的、没有道理的、毫无根据的害怕。在我们国家生活中每一个黑暗的时刻，直言不讳、坚强有力的领导都曾经得到人19 / 24 民的谅解和支持，从而保证了胜利。我坚信，在当前的危机时期，你们也会再一次对领导表示支持。 我和你们都要以这样一种精神来面对共同的困难。感谢上帝，这些困难只是物质方面的。价值贬缩到难以想象的程度；赋税增加了； 我们纳税的能力则已降低；各级政府都遭到严重的收入减少；叹交换手段难逃贸易长流冰封，看工业企业尽成枯枝残叶；农场主的产品找不到市场；千万个家庭的多年积蓄毁于一旦。 更重要的是，大批的失业公民面临严峻的生存问题，而艰苦劳动却所得甚微的也不在少数。只有愚蠢的乐天派才能否认眼前的暗淡现实。 但是，我们的困难并不是由于实质上的失败。我们没有遭到什么蝗虫之害。我们的祖先笃信上帝，无所畏惧，因而所向披靡，比起他们的艰险，我们还真该说是万幸。大自然的施惠不减，而人的努力更是使其倍增。我们手头并不匮乏 ，然而丰足却激发不起来慷慨的用度。这首先是因为掌握人类物品交换的统治者们的顽固和无能，他们承认失败而自动退位。贪得无厌的钱商们在舆论的法庭上被宣告有罪，是为人类思想感情上所厌弃的。 他们也的确作了努力，但是他们的努力脱不开过时传统的巢臼。面对着信用的失败，他们的建议却仅是借贷更多的钱。他们失去了利润的吸引力，无法再使人民遵从他们20 / 24 的虚伪领导，于是他们就不惜进行敲诈，痛哭流涕地要求恢复对他们的信任。他们没有预见，而缺乏预见就要使人民遭殃。 钱商们从我们文化庙堂的高位逃走了。我们现在可以使 那庙堂恢复传统的信念。能够恢复到什么程度，则看我们对于比金钱利润更高贵的价值观念予以运用的情况。 幸福并不建筑在仅仅拥有金钱上；它建筑在有所成就引起的欢乐，创造性工作所激发出的快感。一定不要在疯狂地追求瞬息即逝的利润中再去忘记劳动给我们带来的欢乐和精神上的鼓舞。我们在这些暗淡的日子里所付出的代价将是完全值得的，如果我们从中汲取教训，认识到我们不应该听天由命，而应该让命运为我们自己和我们的同胞服务。 认识到把物质财富当作成功的标准是错误的，也就不会再相信担任公职和很高的政治地位之所有可 贵仅仅在于官高禄厚；同时也必须终止金融业和商业中的一种作法，它常常使得神圣的委托浑似无情和自私的恶行。难怪信心在减退，因为只有诚实、荣誉感、神圣的责任心、忠贞的维护和无私的作为才能鼓舞信心；没有这一切，信心也就不能存在。 然而复兴并不仅仅要求改变道德观念。祖国要求行动起来，现在就行动起来。 我们的首要任务是给人民工作。我们只要明智而勇21 / 24 敢地承担起来，这项任务并不是不能解决的。部分地可以由政府直接招雇，象战时紧急状况那样，同时通过雇用这些人员来完成急需的工程，