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向“国民教育”发通牒引外界质疑“不负责”港教协罢课提议令社会担忧本报驻香港特约记者凌德人民网环球时报针对社会上对推广德育及国民教育科产生的质疑，新任特首梁振英7月30日和31日接连回应说，不会强推国民教育，并表示政府提供的教材会上传到官网供大家监督，绝无洗脑意图。但有反对团体坚决要求当局撤回国民教育科，并发出罢课通牒。这一做法引发争议，并被普遍认为是不负责任的行为。有分析说，罢课在香港历史上极为罕见，若果真罢课，将对香港产生不小影响。据香港新城电台等7月31日报道，特首梁振英30日首度回应推行国民教育问题，否认政府推行德育及国民教育科有“洗脑”意图及政治任务，并决定督促教育局上载该科“当代国情”参考教材，以消除疑虑，但拒绝撤回课程，坚持学校有三年开展期。31日，梁振英再次重申，政府不会强推该科目，学校可在接下来的3年，根据自身情况决定什么时间推行。至于教材，由学校自己提供，政府的参考教材将放在网上供大家浏览。不过，香港am7307月31日报道称，香港教师团体教协表明不接受政府的做法，在7月30日晚召开常务会议后通过决议，如果当局在新学年开始前不撤回国民教育科，便会于9月3日罢课，但后来又澄清说，教协只是积极考虑罢课。另一个反国民教育的中学生组织“学民思潮”则表示，若教育局9月前不撤回国民教育科，会与教协及家长关注组研究罢课，任何罢课形式都有可能。该组织召集人黄之锋称，将发起“五区全民行动”，8月5日起连续一周展开活动。香港经济日报31日分析说，开学日在立法会选举前约一周，此议题势必成为政治筹码，教育界及家长学界未必轻易放行，当局面临的形势依然严峻。据了解，香港教协目前有8万多名会员，包括大批现任教师，一旦罢课，影响深远；而教协本身为香港民主派团体，核心领导层都是民主党成员，这种背景无疑会为罢课事件蒙上政治阴影。香港教育评议会副主席何汉权接受媒体采访时说，即使1967年香港发生动乱期间，也没有发生全港罢课。他认为，进行国民教育是理直气壮的事，如今却成为政治议题，这对教育专业来说是件遗憾的事。对于罢课动议，香港各界存在很大疑虑。经济日报31日称，有家长担心，罢课会成为反面教材，给孩子错误信息。在香港一些热门网站的讨论区，不少家长认为，罢课行动等于给孩子一个信息，“不喜欢就罢”，学业不满意可“罢学”，工作不顺意可“罢工”。另一方面，有家长指出，他们赞成让孩子多了解国家的历史、文化与社会发展，真正问题只是忧虑国民教育会沦为洗脑教育。香港星岛日报31日报道说，目前全港18区均设有家长教师联会，对于教协计划发起罢课或罢教等抗议行动，受访的13区联会代表中，7区联会表明不赞成，东区对行动有保留，北区及荃湾区暂时未有立场。观塘区家教会联会主席奚炳松表示，绝对不认同也不欣赏罢课、罢教做法，他质疑教协是否征询了所有教师的意见。香港家庭教育学院总监狄志远也指出，罢课未必符合学生利益，小学生未必明白行动背后的意义。据香港媒体分析，目前距离9月开学还有约1个月，罢课会否成事还要看一些关键因素的影响。比如特首梁振英这次出招会产生什么效果；其次，教师和家长对于罢课可能难以达成共识，若罢课，子女留在家中，家长会阵脚大乱，所以家长会支持教师罢教。但对教师而言，罢教令他们左右为难，有被解雇风险。此外，有多少学校会参与也很难说。7大办学团体已相继表态不会在新学年立即推行该科，而其他旁观事态发展的学校也不一定会急于响应罢课。给香港人“洗脑”，什么课这么神奇（社评）人民网环球时报部分香港民众7月29日对香港新学期将试行的“国民教育及德育课程”举行抗议，称这门课程的目的是对香港人“洗脑”。反对者还威胁，如果港府不做调整，将组织“罢课”进行施压。世界很多国家中小学都开设有国民教育课程，香港部分人的反对，从世界角度看非常个别，也有些偏激。实事求是说，反对者们更像是被英国殖民时代和西方意识形态“洗脑”了，才会对这门课程如此警惕、抵触，他们对内地的看法完全是西方式的。“国民教育及德育课程”的核心是对学生进行国情及公民身份教育，回答“我是谁”、“香港是谁”、“中国是谁”等问题，它不是向香港人灌输向中央政府的效忠，这门课所涉的爱国主义是超越现实政治的。我们认为，香港回归祖国不久，开设这门课是必须的，争论“开不开”毫无意义，但这门课的组织者是香港教育机构，而非内地教育机构。这门课不可能开成内地的“政治课”，它应符合香港的社会现实，追求的目标应是开拓香港人视野，帮助香港人更好适应香港回归后的大环境。香港一些人对这门课的抵触，在一定程度上是香港维持原有制度的自然表现，对它的解决也会在基本法以及香港法律的框架内落实。特区政府大概会朝着消除一些人的具体担心而努力，最终开课的实际内容和方式也会让内地反过来开眼界。这件事如果处理得好，对内地和香港都可能形成示范效应。在香港无论做什么都会有人反对，内地现在也开始有这样的迹象。但相信香港特区政府不会在搞不搞国民教育这一原则性问题上向反对者让步，而它具体怎么做，如何反复打磨，也值得内地社会观察和揣摩。香港回归后，它和内地在文化层面面临不少相互影响的竞争点。香港虽小，但借助了西方的影响力，很多时候它在话语权方面并非处于劣势。比如，开设国民教育课更像是中国主体影响香港的过程，但现在看来做到它并不太容易。香港反对派用“洗脑”定义这门课，很有煽动性。其实莫说在香港，现在在内地要对人们“洗脑”大概也做不到了。全球化已经到来，中国正统文化在与西方的竞争中处于被动，它现在更多只能依靠“摆事实，讲道理”。成功收回香港主权是中国的骄傲，但对中国的现实政治，它同时意味着很多“麻烦”。真正落实、处理好“一国两制”，实际就是深刻触动中国体制和中国社会的过程，内地影响香港，同时不可能不接受一些反过来的影响，整个中国的改革理由和动力都会越来越多。香港国民教育争议的最终结果只能是“中国的胜利”，那些抗议者们如果只追求他们自己的胜利，大概是不现实的。豈可任由國民教育被抹黑和被閹割文汇报王紹爾資深評論員學聯不知釣島恨，國人保釣卻反中，更加說明香港開展國民教育的必要性，豈可任由國民教育被抹黑和被閹割。反對派以激進大晒反對國民教育，是剝奪學生認識國家和拓展自己人生前途的寶貴機會。當局因為部分人的激烈抗爭而讓步，令不少市民感到不解以至失望。許多市民期盼新一屆政府切勿重蹈一罵就軟、一嚇就癱、一打就倒的覆轍。擇善固執、正來做，遵從慣例，是一個正常政府應該具有的政治品格。許多市民指出，所有國家及地區都有推行國民教育，香港也不能例外，這方面的民意，政府也應該重視。日本政府無視中方抗議，9月11日通過撥款與所謂島主簽署購島協議，正式確立將中國領土釣魚島國有化。這是日本對中國國家主權、領土完整和民族尊嚴的嚴重傷害。日本政府執意購島，引起兩岸四地和全球華人強烈義憤。內地多個城市的青年和民眾走上街頭，高呼釣魚島是我們的等口號，抗議日本政府購島。在香港，工聯會等團體遊行抗議日本竊佔釣魚島。全球華人亦舉行抗議示威。世界華人保釣聯盟表示，計劃10月初到釣魚島登島宣示中國主權。學聯不知釣島恨，國人保釣卻反中這一天，正當兩岸四地和全球華人在為保釣群情激奮之時，身為香港學生組織的學聯在幹什麼？在幹反中的勾當。他們發起大專生罷課行動，要求撤回國民教育科，他們按著胸膛立誓：我等定必堅持到底，反國教至最後一刻！對梁振英的讓步高呼唔收貨！他們無視國家對香港的巨大支持，竟然誣指中國在香港推行殖民管治，為的是要榨取香港人利益。國人一邊保釣，學聯卻一邊反中，連一點中國人的氣味都沒有。學聯的所作所為，怎不令人氣憤？套用唐人杜牧泊秦淮絕句：學聯不知釣島恨，國人保釣卻反中。諷刺的是，反國教的急先鋒教協副會長黃克廉顛倒黑白說，罷課反映現今大學生願挺身而出擔當社會良心云云。學聯秘書長兼民主黨成員李成康發言時聲稱，政府改變政策只屬小修小補，形容指引一日仍在仍是學生頭上一把刀，要求撤回整個指引。一些反對派政黨要員和反對派金主的馬仔參與罷課，包括教協總幹事葉建源、城大政治學講座教授兼公民黨前秘書長鄭宇碩、國民教育家長關注組發言人兼壹週刊前副總編輯陳惜姿。豈可任由閹割國民教育核心即國家認同學聯不知釣島恨，國人保釣卻反中，更加說明豈可任由國民教育被抹黑和被閹割。反對派千方百計將國民教育污名化和妖魔化，對國民教育冠以愚民、洗腦等負面形容詞，指是政治宣傳、狹隘民族主義，將國民教育與愛黨教育、愛社會主義教育劃上等號，這顯然不是正常的多元意見表達，而是別有用心的刻意誤導和歪曲。到了今次立法會選舉期間，反對派政黨與教協為了抽水拉票，煽動全港罷課罷教，並搞良心約章製造白色恐怖，由反國教、反洗腦，變本加厲演變成反愛國、反赤化和去中國化。這是對國民教育的徹底抹黑，是對國民教育的核心即國家認同的閹割。面對反對派通過激進抗爭和白色恐怖向政府施壓，當局對國民教育政策作出重大修改，包括交由學校全面自決是否獨立成科甚至是否推行、取消3年開展期死線，對課程指引作出多項修訂，又撤回5月發出的學校通函，並抽起該科課程指引中當代國情部分，更承諾在5年任期內不會要求國民教育獨立成科。至此，國民教育不僅被抹黑，而且被閹割。當局因為部分人的激烈抗爭而讓步，令不少市民感到不解以至失望。公民概念與國家概念密切聯繫市民的不解和失望可以理解，許多市民指出，所有國家及地區都有推行國民教育，香港也不能例外。許多市民期盼新一屆政府切勿重蹈一罵就軟、一嚇就癱、一打就倒的覆轍。擇善固執、正來做，遵從慣例，是一個正常政府應該具有的政治品格。按照國際慣例，培養公民對國家認同，是國民教育的核心內容。發達國家以至韓國、新加坡、俄羅斯、波蘭等國家，都在國民教育中強化國家認同。這些國家的公民，都以他們的國家為驕傲，都以作為他們國家的公民而自豪；又如，若要入籍美國，就要懂唱美國國歌等。實際上，國家認同是一個國家的公民對自己國家歸屬的自覺認知，包括對國民身份、國家領土主權、國家政權、制度等的自覺認知。公民與國民在法律上一般屬於同義語，都是指具有一國國籍的人，公民的概念又是與國家概念密切聯繫的。對於包括港人在內的廣大中華兒女，我們的國家就是中華人民共和國。世界上只有一個中國，中國人只有一個祖國，這應該是包括香港同胞在內的廣大中華兒女銘刻心間的共同信念。怎可激進大晒抹黑和閹割國民教育？德育及國民教育科已經過差不多10年的醞釀，在教育界和社會有廣泛諮詢和共識。教協、民主黨、公民黨等過去也一直認同和支持國民教育。在社會各界推動下，直至上屆特區政府於去年的施政報告才決定將之獨立成科。但現在教協、民主黨、公民黨等卻出爾反爾反對國教科，而且採取激進的手段逼迫政府和全社會順從他們的要求。這違反民主社會最起碼的遊戲規則，是企圖以激進大晒凌駕於社會理性和整體利益之上，這絕非香港之福！廣大市民要問，是否激進大晒？是否政府政策甚至社會曾經達成的共識都可用激進手法阻停和推翻？若是這樣，香港的法治、秩序和理性持平溫和的主流價值還要不要？相信理性的市民，對此都可以得出明確的答案。反對派以激進大晒抹黑和閹割國民教育，是剝奪學生認識國家和拓展自己人生前途的寶貴機會。國民教育不僅關乎教育範疇，而且關乎香港的發展。國家日益強盛，香港與內地在各方面的合作日益緊密，香港只有融入國家才能有更大的發展潛質。目前在西方國家，學習中國文化和中國國情，成為中產和專業人士對下一代加強競爭力培養的新潮流。推動國民教育，能夠增強香港青少年對國家和自己前途的信心，拓展他們的理想和事業。若是抱著對學生未來負責的態度，怎可反對和妖魔化國民教育？怎可抹黑和閹割國民教育？怎可將錯誤變真理？筆者認為，國民教育不單要在學校推行，也應在全港廣泛推行。國教非洗腦 意見已聆聽開學禮有男性性工作團體貼出大字表示支持性工作=支持民主。歐陽文倩 攝教局籲各界冷靜持平 3學生絕食午夜結束香港文匯報訊（記者歐陽文倩、陳鳴）德育及國民教育科爭議持續，政務司司長林鄭月娥昨日再回應指，政府已為學校提供非常寬鬆的環境，並由學校自主決定開展該科與否；教材編定方面亦沒有作任何強制推展工作。她稱當局明白學民思潮已表達看法，希望3位絕食學生身體健康，呼籲他們按原定計劃結束行動。教育局呼籲各界冷靜持平，以學生利益為重，向負責科目的開展委員會提意見。學民思潮在政府總部外紮營行動，昨日已進入第三天最後階段。原訂絕食3天的3位成員，因身體虛弱，提早於今天凌晨零時結束絕食。林鄭月娥昨日回應傳媒查詢時指，看到參與絕食的學生身體好像有些虛弱，希望他們身體健康。她又指學生已足夠地表達看法，希望他們可按原定計劃結束行動。冀各方尊重學校自主權力林鄭月娥表示，配合上屆政府決定的推進工作，現屆政府上任後已為學校提供非常寬鬆的環境，以學校為本、學校自主調節開展時間及編制自己的教材，並沒有做任何強制工作，希望學生不要把必須逼到政府撤回才視之為勝利。她強調，教學工作由學校進行，每個人包括政府、家長和任何團體均應該尊重學校自主權力、辦學團體意見，以至各校校長和教師理念與看法。林鄭月娥又重申，課程完全希望建立獨立思考能力，讓學生面對當下及未來事情時能情理兼備地作出最公正、持平的看法，但被人冠以所謂洗腦式，這是完全站不住腳的。8100人參與開學禮另一邊廂，民間反對國民教育科大聯盟昨日於政府總部對開舉行公民教育開學禮嘉年華及晚會。警方表示，昨晚活動最高峰時段有8,100人參與，但主辦方則宣稱整天活動有40,000人出席。聯盟聲稱行動將升級，部分大學生及學者代表會開始絕食；亦會於周一開學日下午3時再到政府總部外集會，等候行政長官梁振英下班。部分到場家長表示，對該科仍有一定疑慮，但如果當局能確保國教科可保持客觀、全面及持平，他們亦會支持推行。性工作團體 借機作宣傳在嘉年華活動中，除了不同團體表達各自對國教科的意見外，亦有團體順道為自己作宣傳。支援男性性工作者團體午夜藍，貼出大字表示支持性工作=支持民主。在場不少家長批評該團體抽水，並指看不到支持性工作與國民教育、民主的關連。教局：續兼聽團體意見教育局發言人表示，會繼續兼聽不同團體意見，並會透過開展德育及國民教育科委員會了解社會各界未來3年的意見，以及檢視教材。Plan for Change in Schools Stirs Protest in Hong KongPhilippe Lopez/Agence France-Presse Getty ImagesStudents in Hong Kong on Monday protested an education plan that would require courses in contemporary Chinese history.HONG KONG A plan by the Hong Kong government to require schools to teach courses in contemporary Chinese history has set off an acrimonious dispute here with political implications. The controversy may threaten the prospects of pro-Beijing candidates in the legislative elections scheduled for this Sunday, and it has opened a broader discussion over the citys future.As the school year started on Monday, local government officials were taking pains to say that schools in the city had the discretion to decide how to phase in teaching the subject, before instruction in it becomes mandatory in 2015. The citys Education Bureau issued a statement on Saturday strongly disavowing a teaching manual for the subject that has drawn heavy criticism in the city for praising the Chinese Communist Party unreservedly and questioning the value of multiparty democracy.Still, hundreds of youths wearing black T-shirts thronged the area around the governments headquarters on Monday evening to chant protests against the plan, prompting the police to close streets. Carrie Lam, the chief secretary and second-ranking official in the city government, held a news conference on Monday evening to urge opponents to join a new government committee that would assess public sentiment about the plan. But she said that she would not withdraw the initiative.Michael DeGolyer, the director of theHong Kong Transition Project, a coalition of academics who have been studying the territorys political evolution since 1988, said that public opinion surveys in Hong Kong now show dissatisfaction with the current government in Beijing running higher than at any time since the territory was returned to Chinese rule by Britain in 1997.“What we see is a dramatic shift in attitudes,” said Mr. DeGolyer, a longtime pollster at Hong Kong Baptist University, adding that the education debate has played a central role in the shift.Ten people started ahunger strikeon Friday in front of the local governments main offices to demand the withdrawal of the initiative, known as the national education plan; they remained there on Monday. Several thousand people joined a street protest against the initiative on Saturday, and a crowd estimated by the police at 32,000 and by organizers at 90,000marched on July 29to denounce the teaching manual as “brainwashing.”Officials in Beijing have already shifted the emphasis of mainland education over the past three decades away from Marxism-Leninism, although some courses in the subject are still taught, and toward an emphasis on nationalism and the Chinese Communist Partys role in binding together the country and defending its borders.That educational program may be effective. The tone of Internet postings inChinathese days is often fiercely nationalistic with regard to Chinese territorial claims in the East China Sea and South China Sea.The Japanese coast guards arrest last monthof activists from Hong Kong, Macau and Shenzhen who had landed on an island claimed by China but controlled by Japan touched off anti-Japanese protests in Chinese cities.Many people in Hong Kong are patriotic about China but less supportive of the Chinese Communist Party. The group of activists that landed on the disputed island is outspokenly pro-democracy, a point glossed over by the mainland Chinese news media.A local group called the National Education Services Center produced the teaching manual that prompted the protests. Wong Chiming, the centers director, said the group obtained contracts from the Education Bureau to develop educational materials, which expired on June 30. “The contract has not been renewed, I guess over the feeling of the Education Bureau that the teaching material put out by our center is not accurate,” Mr. Wong said.The Education Bureau said in the statement on Saturday that it had never endorsed the centers teaching manual. Anna Wu, a member of the citys executive council who does not belong to a political party and whom the government named on Aug. 22 to head the public-sentiment committee, said that she personally disagreed with some of the points in the manual, including its criticism of multiparty political systems.The board of the National Education Services Center, listed on its Web site, is a whos who of Beijings allies in Hong Kong. The most notable member is Tsang Yok-sing, the president of the departing Legislature and a co-founder and former chairman of the territorys main pro-Beijing political party, the Democratic Alliance for the Betterment and Progress of Hong Kong.Mr. Wong said that Mr. Tsang had not been personally involved in preparing the teaching manual; Mr. Tsang did not respond to telephone calls on Monday afternoon to his office and to his executive assistant.Starry Lee, a vice chairwoman of the alliance and a leading candidate for the Legislature, said she thought the hunger strikers should stop their fast and join Ms. Wus committee. Ms. Wu said that she had made an open invitation to the leaders of parent and student groups, but that they had declined to join.One of the hunger strikers Gil Lee, a junior majoring in social work at the City University of Hong Kong said he had no interest in joining the committee and wanted the government to withdraw its plan for mandatory national education.Not until the later years of British rule no one seems to know exactly when did Chinese history courses in Hong Kong include the Opium Wars that began in 1839 and 1856, in which Britain seized the core pieces of what is now Hong Kong in retaliation for Chinese restrictions on imports of opium. During those later years, middle schools began teaching more recent Chinese history as part of world history courses, particularly throughWorld War II, and a few optional high school courses come up to the present.Seldom mentioned in the national education debate is a much broader and more intractable problem for which few solutions have been proposed: the deep linguistic divide that separates Hong Kong from the rest of China.Hong Kong residents overwhelmingly speak Cantonese, an ancient tongue as different in spoken form from Mandarin as Spanish is from French. Mandarin is now widely spoken in mainland China, even in parts of southeastern China where Cantonese used to predominate.Aside from a handful of private institutions like theIndependent Schools Foundation Academyand theChinese International School, which provide truly bilingual education in Mandarin and English, Mandarin tends to be taught as a foreign language in Hong Kong schools. Three-quarters of the citys schools operate primarily in Cantonese, and the rest teach mainly in English; few teachers have been trained to teach subjects like math or the humanities in Mandarin.The result is fierce competition from businesses and the Hong Kong government for graduates who can communicate with residents of the rest of China particularly with the approach of 2047, when Beijings promise of considerable autonomy for Hong Kong is to expire.Hilda Wang contributed reporting.This article has been revised to reflect the following correction:Correction: September 10, 2012An article on Tuesday about the controversy over a plan by the Hong Kong government to teach courses in contemporary Chinese history included erroneous information from the governments education commission about the content of Chinese history courses during British rule of Hong Kong. During the later years of that rule, which ended in 1997, those courses covered Britains capture of Hong Kong from China during the Opium Wars; they did not omit that part of history.Thousands Protest Chinas Plans for Hong Kong SchoolsVincent Yu/Associated PressThousands of people marched in Hong Kong on Sunday to protest the upcoming introduction in schools of Chinese patriotism classes.HONG KONG Thousands of people took to the streets here on Sunday to protest the introduction of Chinese national education in Hong Kong schools, a day after the citys education minister warned that such demonstrations would not stop or delay the process.Victoria Park, the traditional starting point for the citys frequent protests, was a sea of umbrellas as parents shielded their children from the sun. There have been at least two demonstrations since June: Hong Kongsannual vigil for the victimsof the 1989 Tiananmen Square killings in Beijing, and a protest on the 15th anniversary of Hong Kongs transfer from British control to Chinese rule. Thatprotest coincided with the swearing-inof Hong Kongs new Beijing-backed leader, Leung Chun-ying, on July 1.The protesters on Sunday, including many young families, blocked off parts of the Causeway Bay commercial area as they inched toward the new government headquarters in the city center. Many felt the changes had been rushed through without public consultation.Organizers told Hong Kongs public broadcaster, RTHK, that 90,000 turned out, but the police put the figure at 32,000.The new curriculum is similar to the so-called patriotic education taught in mainlandChina. The materials, including a handbook titled “The China Model,” describe the Communist Party as “progressive, selfless and united” and criticize multiparty systems, even though Hong Kong has multiple political parties.Critics liken the curriculum to brainwashing and say that it glosses over major events like the Cultural Revolution and the Tiananmen Square crackdown. It will be introduced in some elementary schools in September and be mandatory for all public schools by 2016.Talks between the education ministe