Global Wine War 2009翻译整理版

For the exclusive use of J. SWEENEY9- 9 1 0 -405 AUGUST 13 , 2 0 0 9C H RIS T O P HE R A . BAR T L E T TGlobal Wine War 2009: New World versus Old2009年全球葡萄酒战争:新世界对战旧世界“We have the people, expertise, technology and commitment to gain global preeminence for Australian wine by 2025. It will come by anticipating the market, influencing consumer demand, and building on our strategy of sustainable growth.”我们有人员、专业知识、技术，并承诺到2025年让澳大利亚葡萄酒可以成为全球领先。它会通过预测市场,影响消费者需求,构建可持续增长战略来实现。 Sam Toley, CEO of Australian Wine and Brandy Corporation. 澳洲葡萄酒和白兰地公司首席执行官山姆Toley。“By phasing out the buyback of excess wine and increasing incentives for farmers to uproot their vines, the EC reforms will only bring in the New Worlds agro-industry model. We need to protect the age-old European model built on traditional vineyards.”通过淘汰过剩葡萄酒的回购协议和增加对农民离开他们葡萄树的激励措施,欧盟改革只会带来在新世界的农用工业模式。我们需要保护在传统的葡萄园建立的古老欧洲模式。 Jean-Louis Piton, Copa-Cogeca Farmers Association. In 2009, these two views reflected some of the very different sentiments unleashed by the fiercecompetitive battle raging between traditional wine makers and some new industry players as theyfought for a share of the $230 billion global wine market. Many Old World wine producersFrance, Italy, and Spain, for examplefound themselves constrained by embedded wine-making traditions, restrictive industry regulations, and complex national and European Community legislation. This provided an opportunity for New World wine companiesfrom Australia, the United States, and Chile, for instanceto challenge the more established Old World producers by introducing innovations at every stage of the value chain.2009年,这两个观点反映的一些非常不同的情绪,在传统葡萄酒生产商和一些新的行业人士的激烈竞争战役中释放，因为他们要争取每股2300亿美元的全球葡萄酒市场。许多旧世界的葡萄酒生产商，如法国、意大利和西班牙,自己受到嵌入脑海的酿酒传统、限制性行业法规和复杂的国家和欧洲共同体立法所驱使。这为来自澳大利亚,美国,智利的新世界葡萄酒公司提供了一个机会,例如，通过引入在价值链每个阶段的创新，挑战更大牌的旧世界生产商。In the Beginning1 在开始的时候Grape growing and wine making have been human preoccupations at least since the times when ancient Egyptians and Greeks offered wine as tributes to dead pharaohs and tempestuous gods. It was under the Roman Empire that viticulture spread throughout the Mediterranean region, and almost every town had its local vineyards and wine was a peasants beverage to accompany everyday meals. By the Christian era, wine became part of liturgical services, and monasteries planted vines and built wineries. By the Middle Ages, the European nobility began planting vineyards as a mark of prestige, competing with one another in the quality of wine served at their tables the first niche market for premium wine.种植葡萄和酿酒已经成为关注的事物，至少从古埃及人、希腊人怀念死去的法老和狂暴的神的时候提供葡萄酒可以看出。在罗马帝国时期,葡萄栽培遍布地中海地区,几乎每个城市都有当地葡萄园,葡萄酒成为一个农民的日常膳食饮料。基督教的时代,酒成为礼仪服务的一部分,修道院种植葡萄并建立葡萄酒厂。中世纪的欧洲贵族以开始种植葡萄园作为威望的标志,在他们的桌子相互比较葡萄酒的品质第一个优质葡萄酒的利基市场。Professor Christopher A. Bartlett prepared the original version of this case, “Global Wine Wars: New World Challenges Old (A),” HBS No. 303- 056, which is being replaced by this version prepared by the same author. This case was developed from published sources. HBS cases are developed solely as the basis for class discussion. Cases are not intended to serve as endorsements, sources of primary data, or illustrations of effective or ineffective management.Copyright 2009 President and Fellows of Harvard College. To order copies or request permission to reproduce materials, call 1-800-545-7685, write Harvard Business School Publishing, Boston, MA 02163, or go to /educators. This publication may not be digitized, photocopied, or otherwise reproduced, posted, or transmitted, without the permission of Harvard Business School.教授克里斯托弗A巴特利特准备了案例的原始版本,“全球葡萄酒战争:新世界挑战旧的(A),”哈佛商学院303 - 056,这是由同一作者的这个版本取代。这个案例从出版来源发展。哈佛商学院案例开发仅作为课堂讨论的基础。案例不是为了作为支持,主要数据来源,或插图的有效或无效管理。版权2009年总统和哈佛大学的研究员。秩序册或请求允许繁殖材料,电话1-800-545-7685,写哈佛商学院出版社出版,波士顿,MA 02163,或者访问/educators。这份出版物不得数字化、影印或以其他方式复制,发布,或传播,没有哈佛商学院(Harvard Business School)的许可。本文档授权从2010年7月到2010年11月只有在全球商业的杰森斯威尼和由里卡多弗洛雷斯教授的跨国企业使用。 Wine Production 葡萄酒生产Tending and harvesting grapes has always been labor intensive, and one worker could typically look after only a three hectare lot. (1 hectare. = 2.47 acres) The introduction of vineyard horses in the early 19th century led to vines being planted in rows and to more efficient tending and allowed one person to work a plot of 7 hectares.抚育和收获葡萄一直是属于劳动密集型的产业，而一个工人通常最多能够照顾3公顷的葡萄园 （1公顷= 2.48英亩）。而在19世纪初，葡萄园马的引入导致葡萄藤被横排种植，这样以便于更有效的抚育，同时也允许了一个工人负责7公顷的土地。Yet despite these efficiencies, vineyards became smaller, not larger. Over many centuries, small agricultural holdings were continually fragmented as land was parceled out by kings, taken in wars, or broken up through inheritance. During the French Revolution, many large estates were seized, divided, and sold at auction. And after 1815, the Napoleonic inheritance code prescribed how land had to be passed on to all rightful heirs. By the mid-19th century, the average holding in France was5.5 ha. and was still being subdivided. (In Italy, similar events left the average vineyard at 0.8 ha.)然而，尽管更有效率了，可葡萄园却开始逐渐变小，而不是更大。许多世纪以来，小型农地不断地被分割，被国王所瓜分，或为战争所用，或因为继承权的关系而逐渐被分散。法国大革命期间，许多大面积地产被掠夺和拆分，并且在拍卖会上被出售。1815年后，拿破仑继承代码规定了土地应该如何被传递给所有的合法继承人。到了19世纪中叶，法国的平均用地为5.5哈，并且仍然在被细分中（同样情况下，在意大利，葡萄园用地面积平均为0.8公顷）。While the largest estates made their own wine, most small farmers sold their grapes to the local wine maker or vintner. With payment based on weight, there was little incentive to pursue quality by reducing yield. Some small growers formed cooperatives, hoping to participate in wine makings downstream profit, but grape growing and wine making remained highly fragmented.当最大的产业都在自给自足葡萄酒时，大多数小农户把他们的葡萄卖给当地葡萄酒生产商或酿酒厂。由于价钱基本取决于重量，所以他们几乎不会想要通过减少产量来追求品质。于是一些小的种植者合作社形成了，他们希望能够获得酿酒的少许利润，但葡萄种植和葡萄酒酿造依然在不断被分散。Distribution and Marketing 分销和营销Traditionally, wine was sold in bulk to merchant tradersngociants in Francewho often blended and bottled the product before distributing it. But poor roads and complex toll and tax systems made cross-border shipping extremely expensive. In the early 19th century, for example, a shipment of wine from Strasbourg to the Dutch border had to pass through 31 toll stations.2 And since wine did not travel well, much of it spoiled on the long journeys. As a result, only the most sophisticated ngociants could handle exports, and only the rich could afford the imported luxury.传统意义上来说，葡萄酒都是以散装的形式出售给经常在分销前先混合和瓶装产品的法国酒商。可因为崎岖的道路和复杂的收费和税收体系，当时的跨境航运极其昂贵。比如在19世纪初，从斯特拉斯堡运往荷兰边境的葡萄酒必须要经过31个收费站。而且，由于葡萄酒不便于运输，其中有大部分在长途中会被损坏。所以最终的结果是，只有最先进的酒商可以做出口业务，以及只有富人才能买得起的奢侈的进口葡萄酒。Late 18th century innovations such as mass production of glass bottles, the use of cork stoppers, and the development of pasteurization revolutionized the industry. With greater wine stability and longevity, distribution to distant markets and bottle aging of good vintages became the norm. Increased vine plantings and expanded production followed, and a global market for wine was born.在18世纪晚期的创新如玻璃瓶的大规模生产，软木塞的使用，和巴士灭菌法的发展改革了 该行业。这些使得葡萄酒有更稳定和更长保质期，葡萄酒可以分配到更远的市场且具有更老化的年份，增加葡萄的种植和生产后，葡萄酒的全球市场诞生了。Regulation and Classification监管和分类As the industry developed, it became increasingly important to the cultural and economic life of the producing countries. By the mid-18th century in France, grape growing supported 1.5 million families and an equal number in wine-related businesses. Eventually, it accounted for one-sixth of Frances total trading revenue, and was the countrys second-largest export.随着行业的发展，原产国的文化和经济生活变得越来越重要。18世纪中叶的法国，有150万个种植葡萄或从事相关业务的家庭。最终，它占法国总交易六分之一的收入，成为国家第二出口产业。The industrys growing cultural and economic importance attracted political attention, and with it, laws and regulations to control almost every aspect of wine making. For example, Germanys 1644 wine classification scheme prescribed 65 classes of quality, with rules for everything from ripeness required for harvesting to minimum sugar content. (Even in 1971, a law was passed in Germany requiring a government panel to taste each vineyards annual vintage and assign it a quality level.3) Similar regulations prescribing wine-making practices also existed in France and Italy.该行业的增长对于文化和经济的重要性引起了政治的重视，对于该行业，法律法规控制了关于酿酒的大部分方面。例如，德国的1644葡萄酒分类方案规定的65条质量，规定了从成熟，到收获所需的最低含糖量。（在1971年，德国甚至通过了一项法律要求政府人员品尝葡萄园每一年度的葡萄酒并分配质量等级）类似关于处方酿酒的规定在法国和意大利也有存在。Rather than resisting such government classifications and controls, producers often supported and even augmented them as a way of differentiating their products and raising entry barriers. For example, the current French classification system was created by a Bordeaux committee prior to the 1855 Exposition in Paris. To help consumers identify their finest wines, they classified about 500 vineyards into five levels of quality, from premier cru (first growth) to cinquime cru (fifth growth).生产商通常选择支持甚至增加他们产品的差异化并且加强进口壁垒，而不是抵制政府的分类和控制。例如，法国当前的分类系统是由波尔多委员会在1855年巴黎博览会指定的。为了帮助消费者识别他们喜欢的葡萄酒，他们吧大约500个葡萄园分为从premier cru（第一等级）到cinquime cru（第五等级）五个等级。Because it helped consumers sort through the complexity of a highly fragmented market, this marketing tool soon gained wide recognition, leading the government to codify and expand it in the Appellation dOrigin Controlle (AOC) laws of 1935. These laws also defined regional boundaries and set detailed and quite rigid standards for vineyards and wine makers.4 Eventually, more than 300 AOC designations were authorized, from the well known (Saint Emilion or Beaujolais) to the obscure (Fitou or St. Pray). (A similar classification scheme was later introduced in Italy defining 213 Denominazione di Origne Controllate (or DOC) regions, each with regulations prescribing area, allowed grape varieties, yields, required growing practices, acceptable alcohol content, label design etc.5)因为它帮助消费者通过复杂的高度分散的市场进行排序, 这种营销方式很快就获得了广泛认可,引导政府把它详细编写进1935年的“原产地命名控制”法。这些法律还规定了区域的边界，并为葡萄园和酿酒师设置了详细和相当严格的标准。最后，超过300个法定产区被授权，从著名的（圣埃米里翁红葡萄酒或博若莱葡萄酒）到不太有名的（菲图葡萄酒或圣佩雷葡萄酒）。（一个类似的分类方案后来在意大利被介绍定义为213个“原产地命名控制”区域，每一个都有规定的限制地区，被允许的葡萄品种、生产量、被要求的更多的实践、可接受的酒精含量、标签设计等。）Later, other wine regions of France were given official recognition with the classification of Vins Delimits de Qualite Superieure (VDQS), but these were usually regarded as of lower rank than AOC wines. Below VDQS were Vins de Pays, or country wine - inexpensive but very drinkable wines for French tables, and increasingly, for export. These categories were quite rigid with almost no movement across them. This was due to a belief that quality was linked to terroir, the almost mystical combination of soil, aspect, microclimate, rainfall, and cultivation that the French passionately believed gave the wine from each region and indeed, each vineyard its unique character.后来，法国其他葡萄酒产区受到官方的识别，为“优良地域葡萄酒”的类别， 但是这类红酒等级通常被认为比法定产区餐酒低。比优良地区餐酒低级的是地域葡萄酒或地区餐酒不贵但是在法国餐桌上非常好喝，并越来越多地用于出口。这些分类是非常严格的，在他们之间几乎没有变动。这是因为品质与风土条件有关的观念，法国人非常相信，每个地区，事实上是每个葡萄园所酿出来的葡萄酒，其独一无二的品质都是其土壤、方位、气候、降水、培养的神秘组合所决定的。But terroir could not guarantee consistent quality. As an agricultural product, wine was always subject to the vagaries of weather and disease. In the last quarter of the 19th century, a deadly New World insect, phylloxera, devastated the French vine stock. From a production level of 500 million liters in 1876, output dropped to just 2 million liters in 1885. But a solution was found in an unexpected quarter: French vines were grafted onto phylloxera-resistant vine roots native to the United States and imported from the upstart Californian wine industry. It was the first time many in the Old World acknowledged the existence of a New World wine industry. It would not be the last.但是风土条件不能始终如一地保证其品质。作为一个农产品，红酒易受变幻莫测的天气和疾病的影响。在19世纪的最后25年里，一种来自美洲非常致命的昆虫，葡萄虱，毁坏了法国的葡萄藤。其产量从1876年的5亿公升，下降到1885年的2百万公升。但是解决办法在意料之外的地方被找到：法国的葡萄藤移植到原产于美国的抗葡萄虱的葡萄藤上，并从暴富的加利福尼亚红酒产业进口。这是第一次许多欧洲人承认美洲葡萄酒产业的存在。这也不会是最后一次。Stirrings in the New World 萌芽的新市场Although insignificant in both size and reputation compared with the well-established industry in traditional wine-producing countries, vineyards and wine makers had been set up in many New World countries since the 18th century. In the United States, for example, Thomas Jefferson, an enthusiastic oenologist, became a leading voice for establishing vineyards in Virginia. And in Australia, vines were brought over along with the first fleet carrying convicts and settlers in 1788. Nascent wine industries were also developing at this time in Argentina, Chile, and South Africa, usually under the influence of immigrants from the Old World wine countries.虽然和传统葡萄酒生产国完善的产业相比新产业的声誉和规模无关紧要，但葡萄园和葡萄酒制造商已经在美洲建立自从18世纪开始。例如，在美国，托马斯杰斐逊，一个狂热的酒类学家，成为在弗吉尼亚州建立葡萄园的领袖人物。在澳大利亚，葡萄藤随着载着罪犯和定居者的第一舰队被在1788年被带来。受到欧洲葡萄酒国家移民的影响，新兴葡萄酒产业也在这个时候在阿根廷、智利、南非兴起。Opening New Markets 打开新市场While climate and soil allowed grape growing to flourish in the New World, the consumption of wine in these countries varied widely. It became part of the national cultures in Argentina and Chile, where per capita annual consumption reached about 80 liters in Argentina and 50 liters in Chile in the 1960s. While such rates were well behind France and Italy, both of which boasted per capita consumption of 110120 liters in this era, they were comparable with those of Spain.虽然气候和土质适合葡萄在美洲茂盛生长，但这些国家的葡萄酒消费额差异很大。葡萄酒在阿根廷和智利成为民族文化的一部分，阿根廷和智利的葡萄酒人均消费量分别达到80升和50升在上世纪60年代。虽然这样的比例仍然远低于法国和意大利，这两个国家扬言人均葡萄酒消费量达到110升到120升在这个年代，他们的消费量可以与西班牙相媲美。Other New World cultures did not embrace the new industry as quickly. In Australia, the hot climate and a dominant British heritage made beer the alcoholic beverage of preference, with wine being consumed mostly by Old World immigrants. The U.S. market was more complex. In keeping with the countrys central role in the rum trade, one segment of the population followed a tradition of drinking hard liquor. But another group reflected the countrys Puritan heritage and espoused temperance or abstinence. (As recently as 1994, a Gallup survey found that 45% of U.S. respondents did not drink at all, and 21% favored a renewal of prohibition.) As a result, in the pre-World War II era, wine was largely made by and sold to European immigrant communities.其他美洲文化接受新兴葡萄酒产业没有那么快。在澳大利亚，炎热的气候和占主导地位的英国产业使得啤酒在酒精饮料中受到偏爱，葡萄酒大多被欧洲的移民人士消费。在美国市场更加的复杂，为了保持朗姆酒在国家中的核心角色，一部分人遵循喝烈酒的传统习惯。但是另一组反映国家清教徒传统并且主张节制或者禁欲。（在最近的1994年，盖洛普的一项调查发现，45%的美国受访者根本不喝酒，和21%赞成禁止更新）结果，在二战前的时代，葡萄酒主要是卖给欧洲移民团队的。In the postwar era, however, demand for wine increased rapidly in the United States, Australia, and other New World producers. In the United States, for example, consumption grew from a post- prohibition per capita level of 1 liter per annum to 9 liters by 2006. In Australia the rate of increase was even more rapid, from less than 2 liters in 1960 to 24 liters by 2006. This growth in consumption was coupled with a growing demand for higher quality wines, resulting in a boom in domestic demand that proved a boost for the young New World wine industry.然而，在战后的区域里，在美国、澳大利亚和一些其他新世界的生产者中，红酒的需求急速地上升。例如在美国,消费增长从禁止后每年人均水平的1升到9升到2006。在澳大利亚，增长的速度是更加地迅速，从1960年至少2公升到2006年24公升。这种消费的增长连接着对更高质量的红酒的增长需求，导致了国内的爆炸性需求，并且证明了推动了初期的新世界的红酒产业。Challenging Production Norms 要求生产规范On the back of the postwar economic boom, New World wine producers developed in an industry environment different from their European counterparts. First, suitable land was widely available and less expensive, allowing the growth of much more extensive vineyards. As a result, in 2006, the average vineyard holding in the United States was 213 hectares and in Australia 167 hectares, compared to an Italian average of 1.3 hectares, and 7.4 hectares in France.6在战后经济爆炸的背后，新世界红酒生产者发现了一个和欧洲相对应的不同的产业环境。首先，适合的土地是更加地合适，并且便宜一点，允许了更加广阔的葡萄园的增长。结果是在2006年，在美国开着的葡萄园平均是213公顷，在澳大利亚是167公顷，相对比于意大利平均是1.3公顷，法国是7.4公顷。Unconstrained by tradition, New World producers also began to experiment with grape growing and winemaking technology. In Australia, controlled drip irrigation allowed expansion into marginal land and reduced vintage variability. (In contrast, irrigation was strictly forbidden in France under AOC regulations.) The larger vineyards also allowed the use of specialized equipment such as mechanical harvesters and mechanical pruners which greatly reduced labor costs.不被传统所约束，新世界生产者也开始了在葡萄生长和红酒制作的实验。在澳大利亚,滴灌控制允许向边际土地扩张和减少的变化。（与此相反，在法国的自动超载控制规则下，滴灌是严令禁止的）。更大的葡萄园也允许使用专业化的设备，例如机械收割机和机械修建工具，这些可以大量的减少劳务成本。Innovation also extended into viniculture where New World producers pursued techniques such as night harvesting to maximize grape sugars, while innovative trellis systems permitted vines to be planted at twice the traditional density. Other experiments with fertilizers and pruning methods increased yield and improved grape flavor. These innovations, when coupled with typically sunny climates, freed New World farmers from many of the stresses of their counterparts in regions like Bordeaux where the rainy maritime climate made late autumn harvests risky, and held wine producers hostage to wide year-to-year vintage variations.新世界的技术使得葡萄酒酿造技术持续创新，列如，夜间饥饿法使葡萄的糖份最大化，同时创新的框架结构使葡萄在传统的密度上能种两次。其它对于化肥和剪枝技术的实验增加了葡萄的产量，改善了风味.这些创新，加上通常晴朗的气候，使新世界的农民从那里多雨的海洋性气候使晚秋收获危险的波尔多地区同行的讲究很多，并举行葡萄酒生产商受制于宽每年葡萄酒的变化。New World wine companies also broke many wine making traditions. Large estates usually had on-site labs to provide analysis helpful in making growing and harvest decisions. In the 1990s, some experimented with a reverse osmosis technology to concentrate the juice (or must), ensuring a deeper- colored, richer-tasting wine. (Ironically, the technique was developed in France, but most French producers deplored it as “removing the poetry of wine.” Needless to say, it was a forbidden practice under AOC regulations.) New World wine makers also developed processes that allowed fermentation and aging to occur in huge, computer-controlled, stainless steel tanks rather than in traditional oak barrels. To provide oak flavor, some a